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Planeyo Journal of Arts and Humanities (PLANJAH)

Authors: Ndubuisi Martins Aniemeka

Email: aniemekn@ff.cuni.cz

Abstract

In this paper, I explore the ways in which Segun Adekoya in his poetry collection, Here and There, charts a migratory persona's experiences in Nigeria and America. I leverage the flâneurial adventure possible with poetry in the conceptual frame of orbiting, which I borrow from molecular ideas in chemistry and physics, to highlight how Adekoya structures experiences into schemes of movement across spaces beginning from home in Nigeria to America, and in between both as a cyclic reflection. With the term, orbiting, developed here as a conceptual prism catering to the collection's internal structure of poetic movements across places, I connect with Mathias Iroro Orhero's critical terminology, transpatiality. Thus, orbiting recurs as the scheme of a persona's movement, assuming a different concept yet a related deployment away from the regular Afrodiasporic reimagination of multiple spaces and times, with attendant social crises of/in homeland. This orbiting as a poetics fits Adekoya's literary mapping, as it does not in this sense track diasporic subjects familiar with multispatialities. However, Adekoya appropriates a hybrid form of poetic-scape and critical eyes, by the constitutive colonial and postcolonial details of lives in Nigeria and America. In adapting the adverbials of migration as a structural scheme for close reading of Adekoya's Here and There, I highlight the textually generative orbital structures undersigned by adverbs: “Here,” which essentially evokes the poeticisation of Nigerian life; “There” that refracts the life outside Nigeria in America, as might also reverberate in other foreign climes; “Here and There,” the third and final orbital scheme, burrows mainly into similarities and differences in both worlds.

Keywords

Orbiting, Segun Adekoya, Here and There, Transpatiality, Nigerian Poetry

Introduction

The sense of poetry as migration suggests how critical awareness belies movement, which allows real or vicarious experiences as well as both aspects of reading engagements with places. Poetry about space, in this migration sense, often presents a moving persona that conducts the reader through literary mapping in places and times. This gesturing towards the poetics of spatiotemporalities, which forms a structural fulcrum for poetry writing, is the motivation for this paper. The essay, therefore, tracks how the intrinsic, structural compass of poetry, which details shifting scapes of movement, can assume a method of reading for migration. Following the flanerial persona along the internal markers of places and the reading process that poetry enables, I propose “orbiting” as a conceptual framework. I deploy orbiting as an analytical strategy for close reading of Segun Adekoya’s poetry, tracking signs and structures of movement along with themes the movement brings. In this article, I posit that Adekoya’s poetry enacts the migritude consciousness that maps spatial scales as an organising trope. Thus, in reading the flâneurial adventure that Adekoya undertakes in Here and There, I invoke orbiting as a term derived from Orbital Molecular Theory in Chemistry and Physics, and reconfigure this concept for a discursive engagement of poems in this paper.

Content

Orbiting, as formulated in this essay, is the conceptual scaffolding for the scheme of movement in poetry of time and space. It is indexed in a transpatial imagination and critical unpacking of this poetic structure. Orbiting is taken to mean the praxis or structure, which finds its roots in the phenomenon and behaviour of molecules, and it develops from the understanding of pieces of chemical substances as atoms, ions, and matter. Molecules relate in chemistry as a broad subject consisting of elements and compounds. These compounds define the world, and hence embed a range of earth matters such as atoms, chemical bonding, nuclei rings, and movement (Kota Iwata et al, 2015, 1-3; Theodore Brown et al 2003, 38). Molecules commonly concern the exploration of chemical substances that form or disperse (Ebbin Darrell 1990, 41-42). Taken into the migration context of poetry, therefore, orbiting hints at some migrant ideas that might be useful in the description of the poetics of movement in poetry, tied to adverbial signs such as here, there, and here and there. The orbiting is in the cyclic movements through places in the textual planes that ramify migration through time and places in the world. Thus, I suggest that there is a diametrical relation between orbital elements in the sciences and the structure of poetic process and writing. Generally, in the natural sciences, the concept of molecules is typified in molecular chemistry or molecular physics. The bifurcation here depends on the specific discursive domain, whether it centres on the subject of physics or chemistry. Molecular chemistry aptly concerns itself with the laws governing the interaction between molecules that make for the production and disintegration of chemical bonds, as molecular physics relates the laws governing their structure and properties. As molecular chemistry reifies schemes in chemical elements and bonds, the latter notion of molecular physics frames the conceptual notion of orbiting, which, taking into its literary sense here, as an organising trope for theme and structure that fosters the migratory schemes of poetry and praxis. Orbiting, in my specific context, relates to the scenic mediation and poetic accounts the poet renders, and it forms comprehensive, minute and significant experiences across the historical, colonial, postcolonial and planetary descriptions and comparisons of times and places that are evident in the poetic text indexed in migration. Orbiting, thus, suggests a poetic deployment of movement between the poet and the space he traverses, mediating through scenic metaphors that ground the persona’s articulation of shifting locales of experiences and themes. This entanglement between the poetic persona and the spaces reifies orbiting, as both a quantum idea of movement and navigational process in literary map-making. By literary map-making, I suggest the significance of the inherent poetic-scapes – Here, There, and Here and There – for the reader to make sense of its relationality with orbiting as a frame of cyclic movement and poetic path-marking iterations. I note that Adekoya uses the formal spatial adverbs: “Here” and “There” as orbital schemes to negotiate the colonial and postcolonial matters he details in his poetry. Orbiting, by its connection with literary transmigration, finds its import particularly with how the poet mediates textually his structure of movements through poetry, which touches on what Mathias Iroro Orhero has described as “transpatiality.” Orbiting relates to “transpatiality,” a term Orhero (2025, p.3) uses to critique the long poetic form of Amatoritsero Ede, the Nigerian Canadian poet, scholar, essayist, and publisher. As Orhero puts it, “‘transpatiality’ describes how Ede’s poetry “negotiates and represents the complex and multiple time-spaces new African diasporic writers like himself inhabit” (Orhero 2025, p. 3). Unlike the focus of Orhero’s transpatiality on Ede’s work as a diasporic poet, orbiting, as a conceptual category does not refigure Adekoya as an African diasporic writer. However, poetry spatiality: here and there, recalls the sort of atomic and molecular descriptions of possible diasporic experiences.

Conclusion

From the analysis so far, it is pertinent to assert that poetry can recur as migration. This is corroborated by the orbiting frame that marks Adekoya’s mediation of Nigeria and America, which enlarges his poetry’s scenic structure of movement and map-making. This notion of map-making tied to the poetics of migration is as recalled in the discursive movement structure in this essay. It tracks the persona’s poetic orbiting through all social matters that he structures by adverbials of “here”, there, and “here” and “there.” Form and theme, in the poems, gesture through the orbiting frames in the way scenic mappings tie with their corresponding tropes of movement, both internally contrived and externally refractive of movements across places and times. On a critical note in this orbital discourse, Segun Adekoya’s Here and There is reminiscent of Old English poetic form that is heavily alliterative, and it is illustrative of his epistemic digestion of foreign styles in his foray into Euromodernist readings. Being a poet that has picked on the poetic-scape of his African unconscious, the musicality in most of the poems marks Adekoya out as a song-conscious writer. To this end, his orbital schematic rendering of Here and There has forged a poetic work that combines both Yoruba cosmological energies (although with marginal reflection in the current work) and the English poetic influences drawn from English writers, which inscribe his conscious, quixotic accounts of Nigerian society and beyond. A keen attention to poetics of movement in the collection reveals African migratory and traumatic memory that can be construed from many poems, which pick on life elsewhere. Further studies on Nigerian poetry can examine Adekoya’s Here and There, or other Nigerian poetry collections, which might be indexed by the orbiting praxis, schematics and explorative types. Critical studies on orbiting can include such works as: tosin gbogi’s locomotifs, Tade Ipadeola’s The Sahara Testament, Olajide Salawu’s Preface for Leaving Homeland, and Romeo Oriogun’s Nomad. These poetry collections prove that Nigerian poetry increasingly finds conceptual relations with depictions of journeys and transpatiality. Thus, it might be the case that recent Nigerian poetry can be read as orbiting in diasporic consciousness and African traumatic memories in the colonial and postcolonial era. Adekoya, in Here and There has, on the whole in its migrant universe, provided the scheme of movement in which the reading of his poems charts a discursive literary mapping deeply implicated in its text-to-theory approach in contemporary Nigerian poetry.

References

Adebesin, Ibraheem. (2014). “A Stylistic Analysis of Selected Poems in Segun Adekoya’s Here and There”. Academia. edu.com https://www.academia.edu/ 44755314/ A_Stylistic_Analysis_of_Selected_Poems_in_Segun_Adekoyas_Here_and_Th ere_By_Adebesin_Ibraheem_2014. Adekoya, Segun. (2012). Here and There. Ibadan: Anol Publications. Adesanmi, P., and Dunton, C. (2025). “Nigeria’s Third Generation Writing: Historiography and Preliminary Theoretical Considerations.” English in Africa. 32 (1), 7–19. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40239026. Accessed 4 July 2025. Aiyejina, F. (1988). “Recent Nigerian Poetry in English: An Alter-native Tradition.” Yemi Ogunbiyi (ed.). Perspectives on Nigerian Literature 1700 to the Present. Lagos: Guardian Books (Nig.) Ltd, 112-28. Anyalenkeya, O. (2024). “Reimagining Narrative Syncretism in Nduka Otiono’s The Night Hides with a Knife.” Eds. Chris Dunton, Iroro Mathias Orhero, and Ndubuisi Martins Aniemeka. Critical Perspectives on Nduka Otiono. Austin: Pan African University Press, 67-81. Anyokwu, C. (2016). “Tradition, Paradox and the Poetry of Segun Adekoya.” International Journal of Communication: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies. 19, 79-92. Ayomiitan, E. & Ayeomoni, M. (2024). “A Critical Stylistic Study of Segun Adekoya's Under the Bridge.” Ethiope Journal of English, Literary and Cultural Studies. 2 (1), 20-53. Brah, A. (1996). Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities. Routledge. Brown, T.L.; Kenneth C. Kemp; Theodore L. Brown; Harold Eugene LeMay; Bruce Edward Bursten (2003). Chemistry – the Central Science (9th ed.). New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Chambers, I. (1994). Migrancy, Culture, Identity. London and New York: Routledge. Chinweizu, I., O. Jemie, and I. Madubuike. (1980). Towards the Decolonization of African Literature. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Daintith, J. (2008). Oxford Dictionary of Chemistry. New York: Oxford University Press. Ebbin, D. (1990). General Chemistry (3rd ed.). Boston: Houghton Miffin Co. Editors of Britannica (2016). “Chemical association: Chemical Bonding”. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/science/chemical-association Egudu, R. (1978). Modern African Poetry and the African Predicament. London: Macmillan Press Limited. Foucault, M. (1986). “Of Other Spaces” (‘Des Espace autres’) [1967], trans. Jay Miskowiec, Diacritics 16, (22-7). Garuba, H. (2005). “The Unbearable Lightness of Being: Re-figuring Trends in Recent Nigerian Poetry.” English in Africa. 32 (1), 51-72. Iwata, K., S. Yamazaki, P. Mutombo, P. Hapala, M. Ondráček, P. Jelínek, Y. Sugimoto. (2015). “Chemical Structure Imaging of a Single Molecule by Atomic Force Microscopy at Room Temperature”. Nature Communications. 6: 7766, 1-7. DOI: 10.1038/ncomms8766 www.nature.com/naturecommunications Jeyifo, B. (2006). “The Unfortunate Children of Fortunate Parents: Reflections on African Literature in the Wake of 1986 and the Age of Neoliberal in Globalisation”. G. Adeoti & M. Evwierhoma (Eds.). Reflections on African Literature, Governance and Development. Ibadan: Kraft Books Ltd. Mbembe, A. (2001) On the Postcolony (Berkeley: University of California Press. Nnolim, C. (2005). “Contemporary Nigerian Fiction”. Keynote Address Presented at 2005 Annual Convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), Imo State Branch, 6–7 July. Okunoye, O. (2011). “Writing Resistance: Dissidence and Visions of Healing in Nigerian Poetry of the Military Era.” Tydskrif Vir Letterkunde. 48 (1), 64-84. Olusunle, T. (2022). “The Print Media and the Evolution of Third-Generation Nigerian Poetry.” International Journal of Current Research in the Humanities (IJCRH). 26 (1) 401-417. Onwumere, O. (2010). “The Evolution of Nigerian Poetry.” Retrieved July 2O22 http://www.mantle thought.org/arts-and-culture/evolution -nigerian-poetry. Orhero, I. (2025). “Negotiating Home in the Long Poem: Amatoritsero Ede's Transpatiality”. Nordic Journal of African Studies. 34 (1), 1-17.

Authors: Promise AKpan, Godwin E. Ekenene, Patrick Archibong

Email: promiseaakpan@uniuyo.edu.ng

Phone: 08142809795

Abstract

The Ibritam court represented a foundational aspect of indigenous jurisprudence in pre-colonial African society. Functioning as a court of appeal, Ibritam served as a high judicial institution that settled complex disputes, reinforced social norms, and ensured justice in a culturally grounded manner. Unlike colonial and Western judicial systems that emphasize codified law, Ibritam derived its legitimacy and operation from tradition, communal consensus, and ancestral wisdom. This paper explores the historical development, structure, processes, and societal relevance of Ibritam. It also examines the legal philosophies underpinning its rulings and how colonial disruption altered its function. Historical method was adopted for the study. The study reveals that Ibritam was the last hope of the people in pre-colonial times where justice was served. The paper recommends that some aspects of pre-colonial judicial administration should be integrated into post-colonial judicial system for effective justice delivery.

Keywords

Ibritam, Precolonialism, Judicial System, Igboland, Precolonial Era, African History, Igbo

Introduction

Long before the advent of European colonialism and the imposition of Western legal systems, African societies had developed highly functional and deeply rooted judicial structures tailored to their social, political, and cultural contexts. Among these systems was the Ibritam, a traditional court of appeal that served as a final arbiter in matters of justice within certain African communities—particularly among the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. Ibritam was not merely a judicial institution but a symbol of communal integrity, restorative justice and ancestral legitimacy.

Content

The concept of a “court of appeal” is often associated with modern judicial systems where parties can challenge lower court rulings before a higher authority. However, in pre-colonial African societies, this concept was already in practice through structures like Ibritam, which existed to handle escalated disputes and ensure that justice was not only done but seen to be done. This indicates a level of legal sophistication that is often underestimated in discussions of African traditional systems. Understanding the Ibritam institution offers an important window into the richness of African indigenous governance and legal systems. As Michael Onwuejeogwu (1981, p. 61) points out, the political systems of many Nigerian ethnic groups, including the Igbo, were inherently democratic and participatory, relying on a balance of authority between elders, lineage heads, and spiritual leaders. Within this framework, Ibritam held a special place as the body where decisions from lesser courts could be reviewed and either upheld or reversed based on wider consultation and deeper deliberation. Ibritam's function went beyond legal adjudication. It reinforced communal values, maintained order, and acted as a mechanism for moral and spiritual correction. The court's decisions often took into account not just the facts of a case but the societal harmony and long-term implications of a ruling. As Donatus Nwoga (1978) notes, indigenous courts were not merely legal spaces but also cultural ones, deeply embedded in the moral fabric of the society they served (p. 78). This paper aims to explore the institution of Ibritam in depth—its origins, structure, legal operations, and the role it played in pre-colonial society. It also examines the impact of colonial interference on its functions and the lessons that can be drawn for postcolonial legal reform. Drawing upon oral interviews, historical texts, and ethnographic records, the study argues that Ibritam was an indigenous court of appeal that embodied a uniquely African conception of justice—one that deserves scholarly attention and potential integration into modern governance frameworks. Historical Background of Ibritam While Ibritam originated in Ibibio society, it later became embedded in certain Igbo-speaking communities due to centuries of intercultural contact, military conflict, and political alliances, especially in and around Arochukwu. The Ibibio and Igbo peoples have long coexisted in border areas such as Arochukwu (now in Abia State). Through trade, intermarriage, and joint political ventures, some Ibibio institutions, like Ibritam, were gradually integrated into local Igbo governance (Offiong, 1991, pp. 17-20; Talbot, 1926, p.45). The Aro-Ibibio wars of the 17th and 18th centuries resulted in the foundation of Arochukwu, a powerful city-state formed by a coalition of Igbo settlers, Ibibio factions, and Akpa mercenaries. During this process, Ibritam, originally an Ibibio court of appeal, was retained and institutionalised within the new Aro sociopolitical structure (Gwilym Jones, 1962, p. 54; Kenneth Dike, 1956, p. 13; Adiele Afigbo, 1972, p. 41). Ibritam continued to function with spiritual and judicial authority, blending Ibibio ritual practices with Igbo political control, especially through its connection with the Long Juju of Arochukwu or Ibini Ukpabi oracle—a pan-regional power center that governed disputes (Okechukwu Njoku, 2001, p. 23). As the Aro Confederacy expanded its influence throughout southeastern Nigeria from the 17th to 19th centuries, it spread institutions like Ibritam to neighboring communities. Though its origin was Ibibio, Ibritam was now operated by the Aro-Igbo elite, serving as a hybrid court system under their theocratic rule (Kenneth Dike, 1956, p. 45; Daniel Offiong, 1991, p.50).

Conclusion

The Ibritam court, as a traditional court of appeal in pre-colonial Igbo society, offers a compelling example of indigenous African jurisprudence—rich in philosophical depth, cultural relevance, and functional effectiveness. It operated at the apex of a layered judicial system, where family, village, and clan-level courts fed into a larger institution dedicated not merely to dispute resolution but to communal harmony, spiritual justice, and moral instruction. At a time when the dominant narrative painted pre-colonial Africa as lawless or disorganized, the Ibritam court stood as a testament to the legal sophistication of indigenous societies. Through structured appeals, inclusive deliberations, evidence-based rulings, and restorative sanctions, Ibritam fulfilled the core functions of a modern judiciary—adjudication, deterrence, education, and social regulation—in a way that was deeply intertwined with the community's identity and spiritual worldview. The historical development and operation of Ibritam highlight a number of key insights: Customary law was not arbitrary or chaotic; it was governed by principles of justice, fairness, and collective morality, upheld by respected elders and spiritual intermediaries. Restorative justice was prioritized over retribution, with the goal of repairing relationships and healing communities. Legal processes were public, participatory, and educational, reinforcing social norms and empowering communal agency. The court's authority was rooted in spiritual legitimacy, not in coercion or militarised enforcement, yet its decisions carried powerful and enduring weight. However, the Ibritam court was not immune to historical disruption. The imposition of colonial legal systems, with their focus on codified statutes, alien bureaucracies, and punitive philosophies, led to the erosion of indigenous justice mechanisms. In place of culturally grounded courts like Ibritam, colonial governments installed foreign legal regimes that often failed to address local realities or command the moral allegiance of the people. Yet, despite its decline, Ibritam's legacy lives on—in the customary courts, conflict resolution traditions, and moral consciousness of many communities across southeastern Nigeria. The continued use of elders' councils, the growing popularity of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms, and a renewed scholarly interest in decolonizing African legal systems all point to the relevance of institutions like Ibritam in today's world. In a postcolonial context marked by legal pluralism, inefficiencies in state courts, and widespread distrust in formal justice systems, the values embodied by Ibritam—accessibility, restorative balance, cultural resonance, and spiritual accountability—offer an important framework for legal reform. By learning from and integrating indigenous legal systems, African states can begin to build justice structures that are not only effective but also legitimate in the eyes of their citizens.

References

Achebe, C. (1958). Things Fall Apart. Heinemann. Afigbo, A. E. (1972). "The Indigenous Political Systems of Southeastern Nigeria". Journal of African History, 13(2), 287–303. Afigbo, A. E. (1972). The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria, 1891–1929. Longman. Afigbo, A. E. (1981). Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture. University Press Ltd. Allott, A. (1960). Essays in African Law: With Special Reference to the Law of Ghana. Butterworths. Amadiume, I. (1987). Male Daughters, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African Society.Zed Books. Busia, K. A. (1951). The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti. Oxford University Press. Chanock, M. (1985). Law, Custom and Social Order: The Colonial Experience in Malawi and Zambia. Cambridge University Press. Dike, K. O. (1956). Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta 1830–1885. Oxford University Press. Ekechi, F. K. (1971). Missionary Enterprise and Rivalry in Igboland, 1857–1914. Cass. Elias, T. O. (1963). Groundwork of Nigerian Law. Routledge. Ilogu, E. (1974). Christianity and Ibo Culture. Brill Archive. Isichei, E. (1976). A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan. Jones, G. I. (1962). The Trading States of the Oil Rivers: A Study of Political Development in Eastern Nigeria. Oxford University Press. Mamdani, M. (1996). Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton University Press. Menski, W. (2006). Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa. Cambridge University Press. Mbiti, J. S. (1969). African Religions and Philosophy. Heinemann. Njaka, E. N. (1974). Igbo Political Culture. Northwestern University Press. Njoku, O. N. (2001). Igbo Political Culture. Ahiajoku Lecture Series. Nwoga, D. I. (1978). Tradition and Change in Igbo Cosmology. Fourth Dimension Publishers. Nzimiro, I. (1972). Studies in Ibo Political Systems: Chieftaincy and Politics in Four Niger States. University of California Press. Obi, S. N. (1963). The Customary Law Manual. Government Printer. Obi, C. (2001). "Globalization and Legal Pluralism in Africa: The Nigerian Experience". African Journal of Political Science, 6(1), 97–112. Obichere, B. I. (1971). British Policy in the Niger Delta: 1880–1898. Northwestern University Press. Okafor, O. C. (2005). Legitimizing Human Rights NGOs: Lessons from Nigeria. Africa World Press. Offiong, D. A. (1991). Social Relations and Witchcraft Beliefs among the Ibibio. Fourth Dimension Publishers. Okonkwo, C. O. (2007). Introduction to Nigerian Law. Spectrum Books. Onwuejeogwu, M. (1981). An Igbo Civilization: Nri Kingdom and Hegemony. Ethnographica. Talbot, P. A. (1926). The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (Vols. 1–4). Oxford University Press. Uchendu, V. C. (1965). "Continuity and Change in Igbo Traditional Political System". Journal of Asian and African Studies, 1(1), 33–49. Willie, W. U. (2013). An Analysis of Interlanguage Features of Japanese, Chinese and Korean Learners of English as a Second Language. USEM Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literature, 79 https://usemjournal.com/pdf/volume-6.pdf#page=79 Zehr, H. (1990). Changing Lenses: A New Focus for Crime and Justice. Herald Press.

Authors: Peter Tavershima Kumaga, Isaac Asongo Ngobua, Ngule Joseph

Email: kumagapeter@gmail.com

Phone: +2347049100427

Abstract

This study critically examines the interplay between the alliance system of the Tiv group and the values of an individualistic society, highlighting the tensions and challenges arising from their coexistence. The Tiv, an ethnic group in Nigeria, are traditionally known for their strong communal bonds and group-orientated social structure, which contrasts sharply with the individualistic ethos prevalent in modern, Western-influenced societies. The problem lies in the potential erosion of Tiv cultural identity and social cohesion as individualism gains prominence, creating a clash between collective and individual values. The aim of this study is to explore the dynamics between Tiv group alliance and individualistic society, analyse the resulting conflicts, and propose solutions to mitigate these challenges. Using a qualitative methodology, the research draws on interviews, ethnographic observations, and secondary literature to gather data. Findings reveal that while Tiv group alliances foster unity and collective responsibility, the rise of individualism threatens these traditional structures, leading to social fragmentation and identity crises among the Tiv. The critical analysis underscores the need for a balanced approach that respects Tiv cultural heritage while accommodating individualistic aspirations. Recommendations include promoting cultural education, fostering dialogue between traditional and modern values, encouraging community-based development programs, integrating Tiv traditions into modern governance, and creating platforms for youth engagement. In conclusion, the study advocates for a harmonious coexistence of Tiv group alliances and individualistic values, ensuring cultural preservation and societal progress.

Keywords

Tiv, Group Alliance, Individualistic Society, Critical Analysis

Introduction

The interplay between communal societies and individualistic cultures has long been a subject of academic inquiry, particularly in understanding how these contrasting social frameworks influence human behaviour, societal cohesion and development. The Tiv people of Nigeria, known for their strong emphasis on group alliances and communal living, provide a compelling case study for examining the tensions and synergies between collectivist and individualistic societal structures. This paper critically analyses the Tiv group alliance system in the context of an increasingly individualistic global society, exploring the cultural, social and economic implications of this dynamic.

Content

The Tiv, an ethnic group primarily located in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria, have historically relied on group alliances—known as kwav— (Age mates) to foster unity, resolve conflicts and maintain social order. These alliances are deeply rooted in kinship, shared cultural values and mutual interdependence, forming the bedrock of Tiv society. In contrast, individualistic societies, often associated with Western cultures, prioritise personal autonomy, self-reliance and individual achievement over collective interests. As globalisation continues to blur cultural boundaries, the Tiv and similar communal societies are increasingly confronted with the influences of individualism, leading to both challenges and opportunities. This analysis begins by exploring the foundational principles of Tiv group alliances, highlighting their significance in maintaining social cohesion and resolving disputes. It then examines the characteristics of individualistic societies, emphasising their focus on personal freedom and economic independence. The intersection of these two systems is critically analysed, with particular attention to the tensions that arise when communal values clash with individualistic ideals. Finally, the paper proposes potential solutions to address the challenges posed by this cultural intersection, aiming to foster a harmonious balance between communal traditions and the demands of a modern, individualistic world. Through this exploration, the paper seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of how traditional societies like the Tiv can navigate the complexities of globalization while preserving their cultural identity. Conceptual Clarifications Tiv Group Alliance The Tiv people, an ethnic group primarily located in Nigeria, are known for their complex social organization, which is deeply rooted in kinship and communal alliances. The Tiv group alliance system is a traditional structure that emphasises collective identity and mutual support. According to AkpenpuunDzurgba (2009), in the Tiv nation, the people often talk about awambe, a Tiv, which means “Tiv blood” or the “Tiv type of blood”(p. 84). This means that the first type of blood the first ancestral father, Tiv, had is the same type of blood that has been passed on from Tiv himself through many generations up to the present generation of old men and women, adult men and women, young men and women, as well as male and female children. In the same manner, when the Tiv man and woman talk about mar u Tiv (Tiv extraction), they are referring to the people who have the Tiv blood in their bodies. It also means that they are born by Tiv parents. This means that the Tiv people do look at themselves as a people bound together by blood or a genealogical descent that transcends a mere group alliance. According to Paul Bohannan (1997), a prominent anthropologist, corroborates this line of thought: the Tiv organise themselves into segments based on patrilineal descent, which fosters a strong sense of unity and cooperation within the group (p. 45). These alliances are not merely social but also economic and political, as they facilitate resource sharing, conflict resolution and collective decision-making. The Tiv system contrasts sharply with individualistic societies, as it prioritises the group over the individual, ensuring that the welfare of the community takes precedence. The Tiv group alliance also plays a crucial role in maintaining social order. As Laura Bohannan (1958) (writing under the pseudonym Elenore Smith Bowen) notes in her ethnographic work, the Tiv rely on their kinship networks to mediate disputes and enforce norms, which reduces the need for formal legal institutions (p. 78). This communal approach underscores the interdependence of individuals within the group, a hallmark of collectivist societies. Individualistic Society In contrast to the Tiv group alliance, an individualistic society prioritises personal autonomy, self-reliance and individual achievement. Individualism is a defining characteristic of many Western societies, particularly in the United States and Europe. According to Geert Hofstede (2001), a pioneer in cross-cultural studies, individualistic cultures emphasise personal goals and rights over group obligations (p. 76). In such societies, success is often measured by individual accomplishments and social structures are designed to promote personal freedom and competition. Individualistic societies also tend to have weaker communal ties and a greater emphasis on privacy. As Robert Bellah etal. (1998) argue in their seminal work “Habits of the Heart,” individualism in the United States has led to a fragmentation of social bonds, with people increasingly prioritising their personal interests over collective well-being(p. 123). This stands in stark contrast to the Tiv group alliance, where the community's needs are paramount. Comparative Analysis The Tiv group alliance and individualistic society represent two ends of the collectivism-individualism spectrum. While the Tiv system fosters strong communal bonds and collective responsibility, individualistic societies emphasise personal freedom and self-expression. These differences have profound implications for social organisation, economic practices, and cultural values. For instance, the Tiv rely on kinship networks for economic support, whereas individualistic societies often depend on market-based systems and formal institutions. However, both systems have their strengths and challenges. The Tiv group alliance promotes social cohesion but may limit individual autonomy, while individualistic societies encourage innovation and personal growth but may struggle with social fragmentation. Understanding these dynamics is essential for appreciating the diversity of human social organization. Tiv In History: An Overview The Tiv people are one of the major ethnic groups in Nigeria, predominantly found in Benue State, with smaller populations in Taraba, Nasarawa and Cross River States, as well as parts of Cameroon. Their history is marked by migration, socio-political organisation, economic activities and cultural heritage. The Tiv people have played significant roles in Nigerian history, contributing to the country's socio-political and economic landscape. This paper provides an overview discussion of the history of the Tiv people, incorporating scholarly perspectives. Origins and Migration of the Tiv The origin of the Tiv people has been a subject of scholarly debate. Oral traditions suggest that the Tiv trace their ancestry to the Bantu-speaking groups that migrated from the Congo Basin ( TesemchiMakar, 1994, p.4). According to Eugene Rubingh (1969), the Tiv are believed to have migrated from the Swem region, a hilly area located on the Nigeria-Cameroon border (p. 62). This migration was primarily driven by the search for arable land and security from external threats. By the 16th century, the Tiv had settled in their present geographical location in central Nigeria. The Tiv migration followed a unique pattern known as the "ya" system, a method of expansion where groups moved and established settlements while maintaining familial and kinship ties Paul J.Bohanna 1953, p.45). This system allowed them to adapt effectively to new environments and maintain a sense of unity and identity despite widespread settlement. Political and Social Organisation Unlike many ethnic groups in Nigeria that had centralised political structures, the Tiv operated a decentralised system of governance. Their society was organised based on kinship and lineage, with leadership vested in elders known as "Ortar" (Shagbaor F. Wegh, 2003, p.41). The primary unit of Tiv society was the family, which formed part of a larger "tar" (clan). The clans were linked through common ancestry, and their affairs were managed through consensus and collective decision-making. The Tiv had no kings or paramount rulers before colonialism, relying instead on the council of elders and age-grade systems for governance (Laura Bohannan, 1968, p. 79). The emergence of the Tor Tiv as a central authority was a colonial creation meant to introduce an administrative head for easier governance (EugeneRubingh, 1969, p. 63). Today, the Tor Tiv remains the paramount traditional ruler of the Tiv people, overseeing cultural and political affairs. Economic Activities The Tiv are predominantly agrarian, with farming being their main occupation. They are known for cultivating crops such as yams, maize, millet, sorghum, cassava, and rice. According J.T.W Gbor (1993), the Tiv people developed sophisticated agricultural techniques, including crop rotation and mixed farming, which contributed to their self-sufficiency (p. 65). Trade was also an important economic activity. The Tiv exchanged farm produce with neighboring ethnic groups such as the Idoma, Igala, and Jukun. Additionally, they engaged in craft-making, blacksmithing, and hunting, which provided supplementary economic support (TesemchiMakar, 1994, p. 5). Colonial Experience and Resistance The Tiv people's encounter with British colonial rule in the early 20th century was marked by resistance. The Tiv opposed direct rule and colonial taxation policies, leading to multiple conflicts with British administrators. The most notable was the Tiv Riot of 1929, which was sparked by colonial efforts to impose a warrant chief system, contrary to the Tiv decentralized political structure (Shagbaior F. Wegh, 2003, p.42). During the colonial period, Western education and Christianity were introduced to the Tiv through missionary activities. The Dutch Reformed Church and the Catholic Church played significant roles in establishing schools and churches, contributing to literacy and socio-economic development in Tiv land (Eugine Rubingh, 1969, p. 64). However, traditional religious beliefs, centered around Aondo-God (the supreme deity) and ancestral veneration, remained strong among the people. Tiv in Post-Colonial Nigeria With Nigeria's independence in 1960, the Tiv people became actively involved in national politics. Several Tiv leaders emerged as influential figures in Nigerian governance. The Tiv played a crucial role in the formation of the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), a political movement that advocated the rights of minority ethnic groups in Nigeria (Gbor, 1993, p.66). One of the most prominent Tiv political leaders was Joseph Tarka, who championed the cause of the Middle Belt and fought against the marginalisation of minority groups in Nigeria's political landscape (Wegh, 2003, p.43). Today, Tiv leaders continue to play active roles in both state and national politics. Cultural Heritage and Identity The Tiv people are known for their rich cultural heritage, including their unique dance forms, traditional attire, and oral literature. The Kwagh-hir puppet theatre is a significant cultural performance that combines storytelling, music, and dramatization to educate and entertain audiences (Rubingh, 1969, p.65). Traditional Tiv attire, characterised by the Anger cloth (black and white striped fabric), symbolises unity and identity. The Swange dance is another important cultural expression, often performed during festivals and ceremonies (Gbor, 1993, p. 67). Challenges and Contemporary Issues Despite their rich history and contributions to Nigerian society, the Tiv people face several challenges in the contemporary era. Land disputes, ethnic conflicts, and herder-farmer clashes have posed significant threats to their socio-economic stability. The invasion of Tiv farmlands by armed herders has led to displacement and loss of livelihoods (Makar, 1994, p.6). Additionally, issues such as youth unemployment, political instability, and inadequate infrastructure continue to affect the development of Tiv land. However, the resilience of the Tiv people has enabled them to navigate these challenges and seek sustainable solutions through education, political engagement, and community development initiatives (Wegh, 2003, p. 44). The Tiv people have a rich and dynamic history that reflects their resilience, cultural heritage, and contributions to Nigerian society. From their migration and settlement to their socio-political organization and economic activities, the Tiv have maintained a distinct identity. Despite historical and contemporary challenges, they continue to thrive and play a significant role in Nigeria's cultural and political landscape. Understanding Tiv history provides insight into the broader historical narratives of Nigeria and the importance of preserving indigenous cultures. Group Alliance as a Social Norm in the Society Group alliance, a fundamental aspect of human social behaviour, refers to the formation of cooperative relationships between individuals or groups to achieve common goals, enhance survival, or gain social advantages. This phenomenon is deeply rooted in evolutionary psychology, sociology, and anthropology, as humans are inherently social beings who thrive in collective settings. Group alliances are not only a survival mechanism but also a social norm that shapes societal structures, cultural practices, and interpersonal relationships. This section explores the concept of group alliance as a social norm, its theoretical foundations, manifestations in various societal contexts, and its implications for social cohesion and conflict. Theoretical Foundations of Group Alliance The concept of group alliance can be traced back to evolutionary theories, which posit that humans have evolved to form alliances as a survival strategy. According to Darwin's theory of natural selection, individuals who cooperated with others were more likely to survive and reproduce, passing on their cooperative traits to future generations (Darwin, Charles, 1859, p.163). This idea is further elaborated in the theory of reciprocal altruism, which suggests that individuals form alliances with the expectation of mutual benefit in the future (Robert L. Trivers, 1971, p.35–57.). For instance, in hunter-gatherer societies, individuals formed alliances to hunt, gather food, and protect each other from predators, thereby increasing their chances of survival. Social identity theory (Tajfel, Henri, & Turner, John C, 1979) provides another lens through which group alliances can be understood. This theory posits that individuals derive a sense of identity and self-esteem from their membership in social groups. By forming alliances with others who share similar characteristics, beliefs, or goals, individuals reinforce their social identity and enhance their sense of belonging (p.33-47). This is evident in various social contexts, such as political parties, religious groups and sports teams, where individuals align themselves with others who share their values and objectives. Group Alliance as a Social Norm Social norms are unwritten rules that govern behaviour within a society, and group alliance is one such norm that influences how individuals interact with one another. As a social norm, group alliance is reinforced through socialisation processes, cultural practices and institutional structures. From a young age, individuals are taught the importance of cooperation, teamwork and loyalty to their group. These values are embedded in educational systems, family structures and community organisations, making group alliance a normative behaviour in society. One of the key functions of group alliance as a social norm is to promote social cohesion. By fostering a sense of unity and shared purpose, group alliances help to reduce social fragmentation and promote collective action. For example, during times of crisis, such as natural disasters or pandemics, communities often come together to support one another, demonstrating the power of group alliance in fostering resilience and solidarity (Robert D. Putnam, 2000, np). Similarly, in the workplace, employees who form alliances with their colleagues are more likely to experience job satisfaction, productivity, and organisational commitment (Daniel M. Kramer, 1999, p.34). However, group alliance as a social norm can also have negative consequences, particularly when it leads to in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination. Social identity theory suggests that individuals tend to favour members of their own group (in-group) over those who belong to other groups (out-group), leading to prejudice, stereotyping, and conflict (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, p. 33-47). This is evident in various forms of social stratification, such as racism, sexism, and classism, where group alliances are used to justify the exclusion and marginalization of certain groups. Manifestations of Group Alliance in Society Group alliances manifest in various forms across different societal contexts, including politics, religion, economics and culture. In the political realm, group alliances are often formed to gain power, influence and resources. Political parties, for example, are alliances of individuals who share similar ideologies and work together to achieve political goals. These alliances are essential for the functioning of democratic systems, as they provide a platform for collective decision-making and policy formulation (John H. Aldrich, 1995, p. 55). However, political alliances can also lead to polarisation and conflict, particularly when they are based on divisive ideologies or ethnic identities. In the religious domain, group alliances are formed around shared beliefs, rituals, and values. Religious groups provide a sense of community and belonging, as well as a framework for moral and ethical behaviour. These alliances often transcend geographical and cultural boundaries, creating global networks of believers who support one another in times of need (Rodney William Stark; William Sims Bainbridge, 1985, p.10). However, religious alliances can also be a source of conflict, particularly when they are used to justify violence or exclusion against those who hold different beliefs. In the economic sphere, group alliances are formed to enhance productivity, innovation, and competitiveness. Business alliances, such as partnerships, joint ventures, and trade unions, enable organizations to pool resources, share risks, and achieve economies of scale (Gulati, R. 1998, p. 293-317). These alliances are particularly important in a globalised economy, where companies must navigate complex markets and regulatory environments. However, economic alliances can also lead to inequality and exploitation, particularly when they are dominated by powerful corporations or nations. In the cultural realm, group alliances are formed around shared traditions, languages, and artistic expressions. Cultural alliances play a crucial role in preserving heritage, promoting diversity, and fostering creativity. For example, indigenous communities often form alliances to protect their land, culture, and rights from external threats (Smith, L. T. 1999, p.24). Similarly, artists and cultural practitioners form alliances to collaborate on projects, share resources, and advocate for their interests. However, cultural alliances can also lead to cultural appropriation and the erasure of minority voices, particularly when they are dominated by dominant cultural groups. Implications of Group Alliance for Social Cohesion and Conflict The formation of group alliances has significant implications for social cohesion and conflict. On the one hand, group alliances can promote social cohesion by fostering a sense of belonging, trust, and mutual support among individuals. This is particularly important in diverse societies, where individuals from different backgrounds must coexist and collaborate. By forming alliances across social, cultural and economic divides, individuals can bridge differences, build empathy, and create a more inclusive society (Robert D. Putnam, 2000 p. 23). On the other hand, group alliances can also lead to social conflict, particularly when they are based on exclusionary or divisive criteria. In-group favoritism and out-group discrimination can create social hierarchies, perpetuate inequality and fuel intergroup tensions. This is evident in various forms of social conflict, such as ethnic violence, religious extremism and political polarisation. To mitigate these negative consequences, it is essential to promote inclusive and equitable forms of group alliance that prioritise cooperation, dialogue and mutual respect. Group alliance is a fundamental social norm that shapes human behaviour, societal structures and cultural practices. Rooted in evolutionary psychology and social identity theory, group alliances serve as a mechanism for survival, identity formation and collective action. As a social norm, group alliance promotes social cohesion by fostering a sense of belonging and mutual support, but it can also lead to conflict when it results in in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination. The manifestations of group alliance in politics, religion, economics and culture highlight its pervasive influence on society. To harness the positive potential of group alliance while mitigating its negative consequences, it is essential to promote inclusive and equitable forms of cooperation that prioritise the common good. By doing so, societies can build stronger, more resilient communities that are capable of addressing the complex challenges of the modern world. Tiv and Group Alliances The Tiv people, an ethnic group primarily located in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria, have a rich history of social organisation and political alliances. Their societal structure is deeply rooted in kinship and lineage systems, which have historically influenced their group alliances and conflict resolution mechanisms. This discussion explores the Tiv's traditional social organisation, their approach to group alliances, and the role of these alliances in maintaining social cohesion and resolving conflicts. Traditional Social Organisation The Tiv are organised into a segmentary lineage system, which forms the basis of their social and political structure. This system is characterised by the division of the society into smaller kinship groups, each with its own leadership and autonomy. According to Laura Bohannan(1957), the Tiv lineage system is "a complex web of relationships that governs social interactions and alliances" (75-90). According to Afred AkawuTorkula (2004, p.19) “The Tiv people, till today, live in a union of compound people by members of a kin group closely related by blood, a very closely knit individual with his children and brothers. TyavkaseShii (2011, p.12) corroborated Tokula that the first characteristic of the Tiv worldview to be noted is communality. No Tiv was an island unto himself. The fundamental desire toward cosmic tribal life reflected the essential harmony and unity of the macrocosm. The futures of the individuals were reflected in the lives of all members of the community, and each community has a stake in the destiny of others.” The lineage system allows for flexibility in forming alliances, as smaller groups can come together to address common issues or threats. Group Alliances and Conflict Resolution Group alliances among the Tiv are often formed to address external threats or internal disputes. These alliances are typically temporary and are dissolved once the issue at hand is resolved. Laura Bohannan (1958), in her study of Tiv society, notes that "alliances are not permanent but are formed based on mutual interest and necessity" (p. 75-90). This fluidity in alliance formation is a key feature of Tiv social organisation and contributes to their ability to maintain social harmony. The Tiv also employs a system of conflict resolution known as “kwav” (age group), which involves the use of intermediaries to negotiate disputes between conflicting parties. This system relies heavily on the existing network of alliances and the authority of lineage leaders. As Abraham Akiga (1954) explains, "The success of “kwav” depends on the willingness of the parties involved to honor the alliances and agreements brokered by the intermediaries" (p. 112). Modern Influences on Tiv Alliances In contemporary times, the traditional Tiv system of alliances has been influenced by modern political structures and external factors such as colonialism and globalisation. The introduction of centralised governance and political parties has altered the dynamics of group alliances among the Tiv. However, as John Middleton (1971) observes, "the underlying principles of kinship and mutual interest continue to play a significant role in shaping Tiv alliances" (p. 203). Furthermore, the introduction of communication technologies has escalated this fragmentation of the Tiv group alliance through the use of phones and internet interactions, which introduces people to groups formed in social media, leading to negligence of the Tiv original group alliance. The Tiv people's approach to group alliances is a testament to the adaptability and resilience of their social organisation. Their lineage system, combined with flexible alliance formation and effective conflict resolution mechanisms, has enabled them to navigate both internal and external challenges. While modern influences have brought changes to their traditional practices, the core principles of kinship and mutual interest remain central to Tiv society. An Individualistic Society An individualistic society is one that prioritises the needs, goals, and rights of the individual over those of the group or collective. This cultural framework emphasises personal autonomy, self-reliance and the pursuit of individual success. Rooted in Western philosophical traditions, individualism is often contrasted with collectivism, which values group harmony and interdependence (Middleton 1971, p. 204). The rise of individualism has been closely linked to modernisation, urbanisation, and the influence of Enlightenment ideals that championed personal freedom and rational self-interest (Triandis, Harry C.1995, p.45). One of the defining characteristics of an individualistic society is the emphasis on personal achievement. Individuals are encouraged to pursue their own goals and are often rewarded for their unique contributions. This is evident in educational systems and workplaces, where competition and personal merit are highly valued (Markus and Kitayama 1991, p. 224). For example, in the United States, a quintessentially individualistic society, success is frequently measured by personal accomplishments such as career advancement or financial independence (Bellah etal. 1985, p.78). However, individualism is not without its critiques. Scholars argue that excessive individualism can lead to social fragmentation and a decline in communal bonds. As people prioritise their own interests, there is a risk of neglecting collective responsibilities, such as caring for the vulnerable or addressing societal inequalities (Putnam 2000, p.167). Furthermore, individualism has been associated with higher rates of loneliness and mental health issues, as the pressure to succeed independently can create feelings of isolation (Twenge, Jean M.2006, p. 201). Despite these challenges, individualism remains a dominant cultural force in many societies. It has shaped political systems, such as liberal democracies, which are founded on the principles of individual rights and freedoms (Fukuyama, Francis.1992, p. 56). Additionally, individualism has influenced global economic practices, particularly through the promotion of free-market capitalism, which thrives on competition and innovation(Weber, Max 2001, p.89). Individualistic society places a high value on personal autonomy and self-reliance. While it fosters innovation and personal growth, it also poses challenges to social cohesion and collective well-being. Understanding the balance between individual and collective interests is crucial for addressing the complexities of modern societies. Implications of Tiv Group Alliance and Individualistic Society The Tiv people, an ethnic group primarily located in Nigeria, are known for their strong communal ties and group alliances, which stand in stark contrast to the values of individualistic societies. This dichotomy between collectivism and individualism has significant implications for social organization, economic practices, and cultural identity. By examining the Tiv group alliance system and comparing it to individualistic societies, we can better understand the broader implications of these contrasting social structures. Tiv Group Alliance: A Collectivist Framework The Tiv social structure is deeply rooted in collectivism, where the group takes precedence over the individual. According to Bohannan (1958), a prominent anthropologist, the Tiv operate through a system of tar (lineage groups), which form the basis of their political, economic and social organisation. These alliances are not merely familial but extend to broader communal networks, ensuring mutual support and collective decision-making (p. 45) For instance, during conflicts or resource allocation, the Tiv rely on their group alliances to maintain harmony and equity (Bohannan. 67). This collectivist approach fosters a sense of belonging and shared responsibility, which is central to Tiv identity. In contrast, individualistic societies, such as those in Western Europe and North America, prioritize personal autonomy and self-reliance. As Hofstede (2001) notes, individualistic cultures emphasise personal goals over group goals, and social structures are often designed to protect individual rights and freedoms (p. 123). This fundamental difference in values leads to distinct social dynamics, where competition and personal achievement are often valued over communal welfare. In Tiv land of Benue State, Nigeria, Benjamin Tyavkase Shii (2011) lamented that the Christian missionaries contributed greatly to destroying group alliance in Tiv land: The church taught that salvation was a personal matter and that one stood finally before a personal God to give a personal account. Many Christians could not participate in some of the practices of the community, and the Christians are the catalyst for the breakup of the ancient Tiv ties. The church now offers a new and important community to the Tiv. The church is also a place to identify with a group, a new focus of loyalty; the church serves as a substitute for the lost oligarchy of the compound (p. 411). Dzurgba (2009, p.50) corroborated Shii that the European-African relationship was principally motivated by the economic interests of nations. In this context, natural resources, production and distribution of goods and services, trade, commerce, commercial routes, political power, literary education, technological knowledge and skills, as well as strong armed forces, were all together utilised to achieve economic development. At this time, the Carthaginian Empire was the only strong empire that could challenge European empires in the Mediterranean region. The existing kingdoms in North Africa were militarily and economically weak, and there was no cooperation among them. This means that the main aim of the Europeans in Africa was to disintegrate them and plunder their resources. Economic Implications The Tiv group alliance system has significant economic implications. In Tiv society, resources such as land and labour are often shared within the tar system, ensuring that no member of the community is left without support. This communal approach to resource distribution (yanaangbian) contrasts sharply with individualistic societies, where private ownership and market competition dominate. As Bohannan (1957) observes, the Tiv system of land tenure is based on collective ownership, which reduces economic disparities and promotes social cohesion (p. 45). On the other hand, individualistic societies tend to have higher levels of economic inequality, as individuals are encouraged to accumulate wealth for personal gain. This can lead to social stratification and a lack of safety nets for those who are less successful in competitive environments (Hofstede 2001, p. 76). The Tiv model, while not without its challenges, offers an alternative framework that prioritizes collective well-being over individual accumulation. Cultural Identity and Social Cohesion The Tiv group alliance system also plays a crucial role in shaping cultural identity. Through their communal practices, the Tiv reinforce a shared sense of history, values, and traditions. This collective identity is maintained through oral traditions, rituals, and communal celebrations, which strengthen the bonds between members of the tar (Bohannan 1954,p.67). In individualistic societies, cultural identity is often more fragmented, as individuals are encouraged to define themselves independently of group affiliations. However, the emphasis on individualism can also lead to greater personal freedom and innovation. In societies where individual expression is valued, there is often more room for creativity and diverse perspectives (Hofstede 2001, p.78). This can be seen in the arts, technology, and other fields where individual contributions drive progress. The challenge lies in balancing individual freedom with the need for social cohesion, a balance that the Tiv achieve through their group alliances. The implications of Tiv group alliances and individualistic societies highlight the trade-offs between collectivism and individualism. While the Tiv system promotes social cohesion, economic equity, and cultural continuity, individualistic societies offer greater personal freedom and innovation (Loko & Adedina, 2022). Both systems have their strengths and weaknesses, and understanding these differences can provide valuable insights into how societies can address contemporary challenges such as inequality, social fragmentation, and cultural preservation. Possible Solutions to the Problem of Tiv Group Alliance and Individualistic Society The Tiv community in Nigeria has a well-established reputation for its robust communal relationships and collective partnerships, which are integral to their social, economic, and political frameworks. Nonetheless, in modern times, the emergence of individualism, spurred by globalization and modernization, has generated conflicts within Tiv society. This section examines potential strategies to harmonize the traditional Tiv collective alliances with the increasing impact of individualistic ideals. 1. Promoting Cultural Education and Awareness One solution is to promote cultural education that emphasises the value of both communal and individualistic approaches. By educating younger generations about the importance of Tiv communal values, such as ityo (kinship) and kwav (age group), while also acknowledging the benefits of individualism, a balance can be achieved. AsAkigaSai (2018) notes, "Cultural education serves as a bridge between tradition and modernity, ensuring that neither is entirely lost" (p. 45)). Schools and community programmes can play a pivotal role in this effort. 2. Strengthening Community-Based Institutions Another solution is to strengthen community-based institutions that foster collaboration while respecting individual autonomy. The Tiv kwagh-hir (communal meeting) can be revitalised to address contemporary issues, allowing for collective decision-making while accommodating individual perspectives. According to Bohannan (1957), "the strength of Tiv society lies in its ability to adapt its traditional institutions to new challenges" (p. 112). This approach ensures that communal values remain relevant in a changing world. 3. Encouraging Inclusive Economic Policies Economic policies that promote inclusivity can also help bridge the gap between group alliances and individualism. For instance, cooperative societies and microfinance initiatives can empower individuals while fostering a sense of community. As Udoka Aondofa(2020) argues, "Economic empowerment that aligns with cultural values can mitigate the tensions between individualism and communal living” (p. 78). Such policies can provide opportunities for personal growth without undermining communal bonds. 4. Leveraging Technology for Social Cohesion Technology can be harnessed to strengthen social cohesion in Tiv society. Social media platforms and communication tools can be used to promote communal activities and share cultural knowledge, even among those who have migrated to urban areas. As noted by IorapuuTor (2019), "Technology can serve as a tool for preserving cultural identity while embracing modernity" (p.20-30). This approach allows for the coexistence of individualistic and communal values. 5. Fostering Dialogue and Mediation Finally, fostering dialogue and mediation between proponents of individualism and communal values is essential. Conflict resolution mechanisms, such as the Tiv ijir(traditional court), can be adapted to address disputes arising from these tensions. According toAkaakar, Terna(2017), "Dialogue and mediation are key to finding common ground in societies undergoing cultural transformation" (p. 56). This ensures that both perspectives are respected and integrated. The tension between Tiv group alliances and individualistic society is a complex issue, but it can be addressed through a combination of cultural education, institutional strengthening, inclusive economic policies, technological innovation, and dialogue. By embracing solutions that honor both communal traditions and individual aspirations, Tiv society can navigate the challenges of modernity while preserving its cultural heritage. Recommendations Having investigated Tiv Group Alliance and Individualistic Society: A Critical Analysis. The study suggests the following recommendations: 1. Promote Cultural Education and Awareness: Encourage educational programs that highlight the values of the Tiv group alliance system (e.g., communal living, mutual support, and collective decision-making) alongside the principles of individualistic societies (e.g., personal freedom, self-reliance, and innovation). This will foster mutual understanding and respect between the Tiv communal system and individualistic societies, reducing conflicts and promoting coexistence. Integrate cultural studies into school curricula and organize community workshops to discuss the strengths and challenges of both systems. 2. Strengthen Social Safety Nets in Individualistic Societies: Individualistic societies can learn from the Tiv group alliance system by incorporating stronger communal support structures, such as community-based welfare programs or cooperative initiatives. This would address the isolation and lack of support often experienced in individualistic societies, creating a balance between individualism and communal responsibility. Governments and NGOs can establish community centers, mentorship programs, and cooperative networks to encourage collective responsibility. 3. Encourage Hybrid Social Systems: Develop hybrid social systems that combine the strengths of the Tiv group alliance (e.g., collective welfare, shared resources) with the benefits of individualistic societies (e.g., personal autonomy, innovation). A hybrid system can mitigate the weaknesses of both systems, such as the potential for groupthink in communal systems or social fragmentation in individualistic societies. Pilot programs in communities or organizations can test hybrid models, such as cooperative businesses or shared resource networks. 4. Address Power Dynamics in Group Alliances: Examine and address power imbalances within the Tiv group alliance system, ensuring that marginalized voices (e.g., women, youth) are included in decision-making processes. This will make the group alliance system more equitable and adaptable to modern societal challenges, reducing internal conflicts and enhancing its sustainability. Introduce inclusive governance structures and leadership training programs within Tiv communities to promote fairness and transparency. 5. Foster Dialogue Between Communal and Individualistic Societies: Create platforms for dialogue and exchange between the Tiv group alliance system and individualistic societies to explore shared values and collaborative solutions. Open dialogue can bridge cultural gaps, reduce stereotypes, and foster mutual learning, leading to innovative solutions for societal challenges. Organize international conferences, cultural exchange programs, and collaborative projects that bring together representatives from both systems. These recommendations aim to create a balanced approach that respects the strengths of the Tiv group alliance system while addressing the challenges posed by individualistic societies. By promoting cultural understanding, hybrid systems, and inclusive dialogue, it is possible to build a more harmonious and sustainable social framework.

Conclusion

The Tiv group alliance is rooted in communal values such as mutual support, shared responsibilities, and collective identity, which foster strong social cohesion and cultural continuity. Individualistic societies emphasise personal autonomy, self-reliance, and achievement, which contrasts with the Tiv's communal focus. Tiv group alliances promote unity and cultural preservation but may limit personal expression and innovation. Individualistic systems support personal freedom and progress but often face social fragmentation and weakened communal ties. The contrast between group-oriented and individualistic values reveals a need for reconciling both models to benefit from their respective strengths. A hybrid approach is recommended—one that balances communal support with personal aspirations, encourages intercultural dialogue, and promotes policies that integrate collective welfare with individual growth. The critical analysis underscores the dynamic relationship between group alliance and individualism within and beyond the Tiv society. Each system holds intrinsic value—while communalism ensures social unity and cultural identity, individualism drives personal development and innovation. A balanced integration of these paradigms is essential for building inclusive, adaptive, and harmonious societies. Recognising and synthesising these approaches can help address modern social challenges and foster mutual understanding in an increasingly diverse world.

References

Akaakar, T. (2017). Cultural Transformation in Tiv Society. Jos University Press. Akiga, Abraham. (1954).The Tiv People: A Historical and Cultural Analysis. University Press. Akiga, Sai. (2018).The Tiv of Central Nigeria. Oxford University Press. Aldrich, J. H. (1995). Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Political Parties in America. University of Chicago Press. Bohannan, P. (1953). The Tiv of Central Nigeria. International African Institute. Bohannan, P. (1968). Tiv Economy. Northwestern University Press. Bellah, R. N., etal. (1985).Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. University of California Press. Bohannan, L. (1958). "The Tiv of Central Nigeria: A Study in Social Organization." African Studies Quarterly. 12 (3), pp. 75-90. Bohannan, P. (1957).Justice and Judgment among the Tiv. Oxford University Press ---,(1954).Tiv Farm and Settlement. Oxford University Press Laura Bohannan. (1954) Return to Laughter: An Anthropological Novel. New York. Harper & Brothers Durkheim, E. (1984).The Division of Labour in Society. Free Press Dzurgba, A. (2009). An Introduction to the Sociology of Religion. Ibadan: John Archers print Darwin, C. (1859). On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection. John Murray. Okon, E. A. A Minimalist Account of Interrogative Word Movement in Ibibio https://www.uujh.org/rdc_1?article=uujh/4bT5x Fukuyama, F. (1992).The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press Gbor, J. W. T. (1993). The Tiv in the Nigerian Socio-Political Evolution. Aboki Publishers. Gulati, R. (1998). 'Alliances and Networks'. Strategic Management Journal. 19 (4), 293- 317. Hofstede, G. (2001).Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviours, Institutions, and Organizations Across Nations. 2nd ed., Sage Publications. --- (2001). Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviours, Institutions, and Organizations Across Nations. Sage Publications. Iorapuu, T. (2019). "Technology and Cultural Preservation in Tivland". Journal of African Studies. 12 (3), pp. 20-30. Kramer, R. M. (1999). 'Trust and distrust in Organizations: Emerging Perspectives, Enduring Questions.' Annual Review of Psychology. 50 (1), 569-598. Loko, O. O., & Adedina, N. O. (2022). Embracing Music Intervention as Stimulus for Children’s Learning. Journal of Nigerian Music Education (JONMED), 14(1), 304-321 https://bunmiadedina.com/pdf/6599ad8cd2e3a.pdf Makar, T. (1994). A History of Political Change Among the Tiv in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Fourth Dimension Publishing. Markus, H. R. & Shinobu K. (1991). "Culture and the Self: Implications for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation". Psychological Review. 98 (2), pp. 224-253. Middleton, J. (1971). The Tiv and Their Neighbours: A Study in Social Change. Cambridge University Press. Putnam, R. D. (2000).Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon & Schuster. Rubingh, E. (1969). Sons of Tiv: A Study of the Rise of the Tiv People. Baker Book House. Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Zed Books. Stark, R., & Bainbridge, W. S. (1985). The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival and Cult Formation. University of California Press. Shii, B. I. (2011). Christianity in Tiv Land, a History of NKST. Makurdi: Oracle Business. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). 'An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict'. W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.). The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations. Brooks/Cole, pp. 33-47. Trivers, R. L. (1971). 'The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism'. The Quarterly Review of Biology. 46 (1), 35-57. Torkula A. (2004).The Cultural Institutions of Marriage. Jos: Ehindero Press. Triandis, H. C. (1995).Individualism and Collectivism. Westview Press. Twenge, J. M. (2006).Generation Me: Why Today's Young Americans Are More Confident, Assertive, Entitled—and More Miserable Than Ever Before. Free Press. Udoka, A. (2020). 'Economic Empowerment and Cultural Values in Nigeria.' African Economic Review. 8 (2), pp. 75-85. Weber, M. (2001).The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Trans. Talcott Parsons. Routledge. Wegh, S. F. (2003). Between Continuity and Change: Tiv Concept of Tradition and Modernity. SNAAP Press.

Authors: Stephen Effiong Edem

Email: stephenedem61@gmail.com

Phone: 08086964831

Abstract

Audacious is a tragi-comedy written by Daniel Inyang Jnr. It mirrors a typical socio-traditional African society consumed by an insatiable quest for wealth and power. As the playwright warns, such an obsession inevitably breeds “strife and rancour as well as schemes and manipulations that draw both the immediate and extended families into a web of greed” (Daniel Inyang, 6). His aim in this compact yet deeply engaging work is consistent with the primary functions of literature: to entertain, to inform and to educate. Ultimately, the play underscores one timeless truth: greed always carries a hidden price.

Keywords

Audacious, review, timeless truth, greed, price

Introduction

At the heart of the narrative is Ufia, the village oracle, known as “The-eyes-of-the-gods.” He emerges as a tragic hero whose fatal flaw and greed blinds him until he degenerates into a full-fledged villain. His schemes not only pit him against the Nsien family, but also against the entire council of elders. Set in an unnamed Ibibio traditional community, the play critiques the excesses of the African Traditional Religion (ATR) and the exploitative dimensions of the kingship system. Although unconventional in structure, lacking Acts and Scenes, the play unfolds in well-defined stages that drive the drama with remarkable intensity.

Content

The play is populated by eighteen characters. Major figures include Ufia, Adia’bong, Nsidibe, Akpan Nsien, Emaeyak, Udo Nsien, Ete’bong and Nyire, while others such as Chief Okon, the Village Head, Barrister, Pastor, Architect and Neighbours play supporting roles. The actions are situated in three key locations: the Ufia household, the Udo Nsien household, and the Nsiens’ farm. The story opens in Ufia’s shrine, where his greed drives him to manipulate the gods in order to disrupt the Nsien family, hoping to claim their inheritance. He schemes by setting brothers against each other and attempting to use his daughter, Adia’bong, as bait to further his selfish ambitions. His cruelty extends to his wife, Nsidibe, whom he mistreats under the guise of divine authority, a situation reflective of many African traditional settings. Conflict escalates in Udo Nsien’s home, where Akpan Nsien confronts his younger brother. The altercation, however, is averted through the timely intervention of family members and neighbours. Meanwhile, in the Nsiens’ farm, youthful romance blossoms between Ete’bong and Adia’bong, offering a touching contrast to the greed-fuelled strife tearing their families apart. Their love recalls moments of innocence and unity from their childhood, underscoring what the family has lost. As the plot advances, tensions rise within Ufia’s household when his wife openly challenges his cruelty and selfishness. Supported by his kinsmen, she resists his oppressive rule, exposing the destructive consequences of his obsession. The climax occurs during the reading of the will, where expectations of inheritance are dashed. The late Nsien bequeathes 20 percent of his wealth to charity and assigns the remainder to government partnership with his grandsons, thereby disarming the greedy aspirations of Ufia and others. Ufia’s despair culminates in suicide, sealing his tragic downfall.

Conclusion

Daniel Iryang Jnr’s Audacious is not merely a play, but a profound cultural commentary and moral compass. It deepens our understanding of African traditions, while exposing the destructive power of greed that corrodes both family and society. By weaving together themes of love, family, conflict and reconciliation, the play transcends its Ibibio setting and attains universal resonance. In many ways, Audacious extends the concerns of The Peephole and The Ufias I, fusing domestic struggles with ancestral invocations to create a drama that is simultaneously personal, spiritual and political. Through its layered use of symbolism, ritual imagery and ironic contradictions, the text confronts greed, betrayal, female oppression and cultural stagnation; yet it also celebrates the courage of those who dare to resist. Ultimately, Audacious is more than a title; it is a moral imperative. The play summons its audience to boldness, urging them to speak, to challenge and to confront the fractures of society with unwavering courage.

References

Inyang, D. (2020). Audacious. DI Brainz Media Edem, S. (2025). “A Review of Daniel Inyang’s Audacious”. Planeyo Journal of Arts and Humanities (PLANJAH). Volume 2, Number 4, 128-135.

Authors: Uman Uman

Email: planeyopublishers@gmail.com

Abstract

When a people groan, it is not merely out of pain, but out of a deep yearning for justice and change. The Groans of Two Seven Nine, set in Nigeria, captures the collective voice turning suffering into a powerful call to conscience. Eyoh Etim's The Groans of Two Seven Nine (2025) is a collection that captures the frustrations, disillusionments, and resilience of the Nigerian workers in the face of political corruption, poor governance, and social decay. The title contains an emblem; a metaphor - (2-7-9) which identifies with oppressed workers the world over. All workers are entitled to their wages, but when these wages are delayed, withheld, or denied, the living conditions of such workers become deplorable, leading to stagnated growth, unspeakable economic hardship, low productivity, social unrest, and erosion of trust. "Groans" suggest fatigue, weariness, maltreatment, and frustration of the working citizens, while those in power are arrogant, greedy, and highly extravagant. The poems in this collection address a wide range of interconnected issues ranging from politics and leadership failure, social decay and corruption, democracy and disillusionment to suffering and pains and resistance and hope. The Groans of Two Seven silenced, the collection stands as a testament to the power of literature in confronting injustice. It exemplifies how literature transforms individual suffering into a communal voice for justice and change.

Keywords

Groans, Two Seven, corruption, democracy, disillusionment

Introduction

Structure The collection shows an artistic blend of post-modernist and post post-modernist tendencies. Poems in the collection are divided into three parts. Opening Section: Pre-challenge Musings This section contains six poems. It opens with the poem, "My Birthday Wish", and ends with "Oh Humans". The Pre-challenge Musings captures the poet's personal reflections and sad realities occasioned by the refusal to pay workers what is rightly theirs. This section sets the tone for the collection. Mid-Section: 30 Days Poetry Challenge on 2-7-9 This section features the bulk of the poems as the poet writes one poem each day for a period of 30 days. These poems were first published on the Internet (Facebook and the poet’s personal blog, eyohetim.com precisely) before they were produced in print. This gives the collection the Post post-modernist texture. This section explores the sad political realities in Nigeria. The section holds Akwa Ibom, Nigeria, Africa, and other continents of the world, who oppress their workers as a portrait for people to see how badly they have treated their dedicated workers, how they have reduced them to a laughing stock in the society, how they have handicapped them such that they cannot measure up with their contemporaries in other climes. This section ends with the iconic poem "Total Surrender and Closures for 2-7-9", where the poet says "he has told the truth the way the Muse guided him about the corporate crime committed against a set of workers in the university - and he has surrendered everything to the creator of the universe. This total surrender makes him happy, relieved, light and ready (Etim, 2025, p. 84).

Content

Structure The collection shows an artistic blend of post-modernist and post post-modernist tendencies. Poems in the collection are divided into three parts. Opening Section: Pre-challenge Musings This section contains six poems. It opens with the poem, "My Birthday Wish", and ends with "Oh Humans". The Pre-challenge Musings captures the poet's personal reflections and sad realities occasioned by the refusal to pay workers what is rightly theirs. This section sets the tone for the collection. Mid-Section: 30 Days Poetry Challenge on 2-7-9 This section features the bulk of the poems as the poet writes one poem each day for a period of 30 days. These poems were first published on the Internet (Facebook and the poet’s personal blog, eyohetim.com precisely) before they were produced in print. This gives the collection the Post post-modernist texture. This section explores the sad political realities in Nigeria. The section holds Akwa Ibom, Nigeria, Africa, and other continents of the world, who oppress their workers as a portrait for people to see how badly they have treated their dedicated workers, how they have reduced them to a laughing stock in the society, how they have handicapped them such that they cannot measure up with their contemporaries in other climes. This section ends with the iconic poem "Total Surrender and Closures for 2-7-9", where the poet says "he has told the truth the way the Muse guided him about the corporate crime committed against a set of workers in the university - and he has surrendered everything to the creator of the universe. This total surrender makes him happy, relieved, light and ready (Etim, 2025, p. 84).

Conclusion

The Groans of Two Seven Nine is a potent and artfully rendered collection. It reaffirms Etim’s standing as a chronicler of injustices perpetrated in the society. I strongly recommend the collection to all lovers of literature in Nigeria and the world over. Students and teachers in Language and Literature Departments will find in its content something fresh and exciting to research on. For those who enjoy poetry that marries formal ingenuity with social conscience; those who appreciate African sensibilities; those who relish the amalgamation of styles and the post post-modernist form, Eyoh Etim's collection, The Groans of Two Seven Nine, is a rewarding, resonant read.

References

Etim, E. (2025). The Groans of Two Seven Nine. Uyo: Planeyo Publishers Uman, U. (2025). “A Review Of Eyoh Etim’s The Groans Of Two Seven Nine ”. Planeyo Journal of Arts and Humanities (PLANJAH). Volume 2, Number 4, 122-127.

Authors: Isonguyo Akpan

Email: akpanisonguyo34@gmail.com

Phone: 08142809795

Abstract

Traditional music and songs are the soul and spirit of indigenous African societies, expressing historical memories and the indigenous value system of a people. Extant studies on Ibibio traditional songs most often examine women and satirical songs as tools for gender and social critique. However, almost no study exists on the songs of Ubokudom, especially the representation of Ibibio philosophy and the aesthetics of religious and sociopolitical commentaries in his songs. Therefore, this study investigates Ibibio cultural epistemology and examines the aesthetics of exploring religious and sociopolitical imaginaries in three songs of Ubokudom. Bronislaw Malinowski's functionalism is the theoretical framework deployed, while qualitative research design is used. Three songs were purposively selected because of their relevant leitmotif, and were afterwards subjected to literary analysis. The work reveals that the songs offer critical perspectives on indigenous Ibibio philosophies and values system, the core of Ibibio epistemology and cosmology. Also, the philosophical underpinnings in the songs are fundamental for shaping people's behaviour, thereby fulfilling their functional expectations as oral art forms, just as oral literature elsewhere in Africa. Through themes, akata tradition and repetitions as major discursive and aesthetic devices, the songs offer a critical lens through which societal ills can be seen. Similarly, they reflect the pervasive maladministration, corruption and religious hypocrisy in Nigeria, while holding corrupt regimes responsible for abject poverty amongst the citizenry. Hence, the study concludes that Ibibio traditional songs offer the medium for sustaining indigenous Ibibio cultural epistemology, and evaluate human life to return humanity to the path of morality, unity and progress.

Keywords

Orality, Ibibio, Traditional Songs, Aesthetics, Epistemology, Functionalism

Introduction

Traditional music and songs significantly influence the politics of indigenous knowledge production, and efficiently facilitate the propagation and policing of cultural epistemology in indigenous societies like the Ibibio society. Traditional societies are founded on indigenous epistemologies that are often transferred orally from one generation to another (M. C. Onyejekwe and E.S.Ikeokwu, 2013, p.66). Indigenous epistemology serves as an instrument for regulating the desired behaviour and cultural practices of a people; therefore, oral performance or orality becomes the conduit for enshrining indigenous values in every traditional society. Cultural values, norms, gnomic sayings, traditional philosophy, observances and cosmology constitute the epistemological foundation of African societies. It is worthy to state that Ibibio indigenous philosophy, gnomic sayings and traditional values, amongst other things, constitute Ibibio cultural epistemology, often driven by orality.

Content

Walter Ong (1982) defines orality as a communication of any sort which is done with the voice and not written (p.11). For the scholar, orality means the use of spoken language, vocal performance and acoustic elements in communication, with specific emphasis on oral-aural tradition. Consequently, oral literature, to the scholar, does not necessarily mean the literature of the primitive age, but any form of literature of the locals performed verbally. This implies that oral literature encompasses oral arts like folktale, epic, legends, riddles, proverbs, and songs, amongst others. Beyond this, the Ong's distinction between primary and secondary orality offers insights into the preservation and dissemination of oral literature via various literate media. This form is what he describes as secondary orality; that is oral literature in the literate tradition. Paula McDowell (2012, p.172) sees orality '. . . as the quality of being oral or orally communicated; preference for or tendency to use spoken forms of language'. This definition indicates that orality is anything orally rendered, be it songs, tales, folklores, chants, rituals or speeches. According to Mark Ighile (2021, p. 49), orality is a practice, an experience and an event that is participatory. He argues that not all oral acts can pass for oral literature. Consequently, oral literary performances such as songs, proverbs, dance and traditional music are the indigenous African and, indeed, Ibibio traditional 'technologies' for the transmission of the cultural epistemology or the indigenous knowledge and values system from one generation to another. This is in synch withthe anthropological perspective on orality, which often conceives it in light of its influence on the identity, culture and norms of a people or society, emphasising how orality helps to shape society. It equally explicates the nuanced understanding of how cultural knowledge is transmitted from one generation of people to another (Ruth Finnegan, 2012 [1970]). Accordingly, Jan Vasina (1965, page/range) states that communication in the primitive age was oral, and so were the forms of literature, such as folktales, rituals, myths and legends, amongst others. This foregrounds the vital role of oral performances like songs in upholding the traditional value system and cultural epistemology of a people. Furthermore, orality in this paper alludes to the oral literary performances like the songs of Prophet Ubokudom and his Akata Cultural Troupe. It bears no connotative interpretation for the communication in primitive or non-literate societies. In this sense, oral literature and the songs of Ubokudom are inevitably part of Ibibio oral literature. Uche Nnyagu (2017,p.1149) buttresses this when he states that oral literature '. . . may include ritual texts, curative chants, epic poems, musical genres, folk tales, creation tales, songs, myths, spells, legends, proverbs, riddles, tongue-twisters, word games, recitations. . .' All these belong to different generic oral forms and have underlying relationships. Oral literature could be narrative (like legends and myths), poetry (like riddles and cultural songs) or drama. Nevertheless, it has to be noted that unlike the sub-genres of written literature, the distinction amongst the generic forms of oral literature in most often blurry, particularly the difference between drama and the remaining genres. Finnegan (2012 [1970]), John Afolabi (2004) and Oluwatoyin Jegede (2023) recognise poetry, prose and drama as generic forms of oral literature. However, Afolabi (2004) and Jegede (2023) specifically point out that there is no oral art form that does not contain performance (drama) and that there are overlaps amongst the various genres. For instance, there performative acts in rendering of chants, songs and poetry through gestures and demonstrations. According to Afolabi (2004, p.21), '. . . the generic forms in oral literature are performance-oriented. The forms flow into one another in a manner that almost obliterates the generic boundaries in some performances.' Therefore, the taxonomy of oral literature could be very problematic when considering African oral literature as performance-based. The challenge notwithstanding, the characteristics of the generic forms are decipherable in African oral literature and indeed, Ibibio oral art forms. Oral literatures erves as a cultural or historical memory of a people. It is significant in upholding the indigenous value system of society and transferring the culture and tradition of a people from one generation to another. This is corroborated by Alessandro Portelli (1991), who asserts that oral literature enhances the preservation of the culture and tradition of a people. Moreover, Bruce Rosenberg (1987) observes that even in literate societies, the passing of instruction to younger ones is done face-to-face. Invariably, the customs and traditions of the people are preserved and taught to subsequent generations orally or through oral literature. This underscores the critical role of oral literature in the preservation of indigenous philosophy and value systems. Afolabi (2004) argues that it is disheartening that most societies abandon their oral art forms at the advent of technologies, stressing that oral literature offers the most efficient means of expressing man's innate, intellectual and spiritual experiences. Thus, cultural epistemology is expressed or taught through oral performances. Mark Turin (2013, p.174) corroborates this by stating that 'For societies in which traditions are conveyed more through speech than through writing, oral literature is often an important medium for the transmission of ideas, knowledge, and history. ‘Thus, oral performances like the songs of Ubokudom not only preserve Ibibio indigenous tradition and culture but also express the ethics, indigenous epistemology and core values that define the Ibibio people.

Conclusion

The study examines Ibibio cultural epistemology and the poetics of reconstructing sociopolitical dialectics in the selected songs of Ubokudom alongside his Akata Cultural Troupe. Ubokudom's songs are not ordinary oral literary compositions, but rather artistic, cultural, and anthropological iconography that embodies the worldview and traditional value system of a people. The songs offer critical perspectives on the indigenous philosophy of the Ibibio. This philosophy includes a core belief in Akwa Abasi Ibom (the Almighty God) who oversees the affairs of man, as well as principles that include respect for due process and divine timing, intolerance toward fraud and other crimes that hinder human progress, and discouragement of greed, a strong support for hard work, contentment, respect for elders and unity. These philosophical underpinnings shape the conduct of people in both private and public affairs in the Ibibio land. Thus, the songs fulfil their functional expectations as oral art forms in Ibibio land, just as oral literature elsewhere in Africa. Beyond this, there is a characteristic probing into the activities of individuals and government, and how such activities affect human progress. For instance, maladministration and corruption of the post-colonial Nigerian regimes are noted as factors responsible for abject poverty in Nigeria. Also, religious hypocrisy among Christians is critiqued as a contributing factor for the continuous social vices in society. This study concludes that through the akata music tradition, the artist boldly probes society, condemns evil, and calls out government and members of society, particularly Christians and political and religious leaders. Through the songs, individuals, private and corporate bodies are warned against greed and other crimes that impede societal development. In terms of literary poetics, the themes and aesthetic appeal created by repeating important verses through a call-and-response technique situate the songs of Ubokudom within the paradigm of African oral literature. Therefore, the akata genre itself becomes a discursive model and aesthetic framework through which the artist deconstructs and reconstructs religious and sociopolitical imaginaries in Nigeria. The choice of words and repetition of important verses in the songs not only emphasise the kernel idea and philosophical imports in the songs but also offer an efficient boost to the aesthetics of the oral performance. Hence, Ibibio oral literature offers a critical medium for sustaining African indigenous philosophies and the cultural epistemology of Ibibio.

References

Afolabi, J. (2004). “The Functionalist Perspective of African Oral Performance”. Lwati: A Journal of Contemporary Research. 1, 20-30. Akande, S. (2024). “The Functionality and Performance Practice of Indigenous Yoruba Music in Ago-Iwoye' Egungun festival”. Journal of African Studies and Sustainable Development. 7(2), 140-149. Akpan, O.& Akpan, A. (2022). 'Significance of Indigenous Songs in Ibibio Cultural Heritage.' InEkpenyong, M.E.& Udoh, I.I. (eds). Current Issues in Descriptive L i n g u i s t i c s a n d D i g i t a l H u m a n i t i e s . S p r i n g e r , S i n g a p o r e . https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2932-8_26. Anene, J., Mba, A U. & Mba, C. A. (2024). 'Leadership and poverty reduction in Nigeria.' West African Journal of Interdisciplinary Research. 2(3), 46-56. Carter, D. (2006). Literary theory. Harpenden: Pocket Essentials. Egglezou, F. & Nakas, T. (2014). 'Figures of repetition in the performance of the Italian folktale.' Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences. 5(1), 621-633. Etuk, J. (2021). “Signification and Cultural Projection in 'Akwawood'.” Unpublished PhD Thesis of the Department of English, University of Ibadan. pp. 22-25. Etuk, J. & Akpan, I. (2023). 'Language and Gender Ideology in Tekno's 'Woman.”Sapientia Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Development Studies (SGOJAHDS). 6 (4), 69 – 80. Finnegan, R. (2012).Oral Literature in Africa.Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers. http:// dx.doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0025. Ighile, M. (2021). 'Re-constructing the Theory and Practice of Oral Performance in Africa.' UTUENIKANG: Ibom Journal of Language and Literary Review. 1(1), 47-59. Ikeokwu, E. (2007). “Functionalism and Pedagogy of Igbo Folktale.”Journal of Igbo Studies. 2. 21-25. Inyabri, I., Offong, I. & Mensah, E. (2022). 'Satire, agency and the contestation of patriarchy i n I b i b i o w o m e n ' s s o n g s . 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'Ikwo Ibaan Ibibio: Expression of Womanhood mong Offot People of Akwa Ibom State.' In Osisanwo, A., Adebiyi-Adelabu, K. & Mosobalaje, A. (Eds.).Literary and Linguistic Perspectives on Orality, Literacy and Gender Studies. This Paper is Published Without Open Access Publication Charges Courtesy the NLNG

Authors: Oluwaseyi Paul Adebile

Email: padebile@gmail.com

Phone: +2348037934052

Abstract

History is a discipline that connects a supposed 'forgotten' past to the present. The wake of the global system to a full-blown Russo-Ukrainian war on Thursday, February 24, 2022, and the geopolitical intricacies influencing the diplomatic approach of Russia's Putin in beginning and sustaining a conflict scenario, in what may be termed 'Russia's Renaissance' in global politics, appears driven by totalitarian values, which is in contrast to the celebrated liberal alternative – democracy. This is, however, evident in its age-long hegemonic Communist socio-ideological formation, a formidable and functional military strategy laced with nuclear artillery and, more importantly, well-sponsored propagandised causal narratives, objectives, and press renditions via supposedly credible international media platforms. Given the current happenings arising from a traceable historical antecedent in European diplomacy, this paper connects the Russian regime under Vladimir Putin to such totalitarian experiences around Europe during the interwar period (1918 - 1939). Using the event study and comparative approach in historical research, the study attempts a reflection on the totalitarian challenge in twentieth-century Europe to capture the totalitarian dimension of the extant diplomatic siege. Its findings suggest that Russia's war in Ukraine is contributing to the resurgence of totalitarian regimes in Europe and potentially other geo-strategic regions of the world, resonating the dynamics seen during the interwar era and raising ambiguous concerns for international security, connected to the factors that led to World War II (1939-1945). Hence, the paper submits that the aggressive and un-conciliatory approach of the early twenty-first century Russian statesman suggests a new wave of a more global totalitarian order.

Keywords

Defence, Diplomacy, Hegemony, International History, Military Strategy, Totalitarianism

Introduction

History is characterised by bringing life to a supposed 'forgotten' past. Scarcely does any discipline share the exclusive characteristics of connecting the present to the past and vice versa. More often, the adoption of multidisciplinary and/or transdisciplinary orientations in historical methodology has proven to inform a more nuanced understanding of past events and their connections to existing developments, both locally and globally, making such analysis both insightful and rewarding. Moreover, the complexities of global diplomacy, for instance, have often paved the way for different interpretations, and historians are arguably settled with the idea of history repeating itself. In this respect, the war between Russia and Ukraine presents a fitting scenario. Years before the eventual declaration of war, Russia's diplomatic policy towards various regions in the global arena focused on seeking opportunities to proliferate its influence and demonstrate its political and military power for national preservation and global relevance (Adebile, 2021, pp. 35-36). However, following the declaration of War by Russia against Ukraine and the consequent invasion of Russian military forces from Belarus, Crimea and Russia, various documentation, including magazine articles, official reports, and even books, has been published. Kuzio (2024) and Mankoff (2022), for instance, explored the origins of Russia's invasion of Ukraine within the remit of nationalities. Mimiko (2022) analysed the contours and insinuations of the conflict from a realist paradigm. These narratives and analyses, among others, have centred on its historical roots, contemporary applications, philosophical strides, ideological inclinations, and the diplomatic implications of the war. As a result, the present study attempts to add a perspective that seems to have been silent in scholarly discussions and analysis. This bothers the totalitarian dimension of the extant diplomatic siege. That said, totalitarianism, as commonly accepted in political parlance, is an authoritarian regime that operates through the platform of a single ideologically inclined minority political party or group, with specific instruments, usually propaganda or use of force, to influence and compel public accordance and submission to the agenda of the ruling party. However, early totalitarian theorists like Carl Friedrich and Zbigniew Brzezinski provide an interesting perspective in Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy. In their analysis, they identified a 'six-ring model' of totalitarian regimes, these are: “an overarching, all-encompassing ideology; a single party state; a police [military] force willing to use terror to enforce the will of the state and its ideological vision; a monopoly on communications to manage this society; a monopoly on weapons within the state; and a centrally directed economy to work in the interest of the state” (Friedrich & Brzezinski, 1956, pp. 21-22). By this, totalitarian regimes exercise complete and absolute control over their state, commonly through its fraternised structures, the party and its advocates, a strong and effective force, schools and colleges, the mass media and other significant cliques in the state, either of economic, social, religious or cultural predisposition. Totalitarian systems, obviously anathema of liberal values, often erode respect for human social and political liberties. However, the knowledge of Communist Russia driven by Marxian Socialism, Nazi Germany agitated by the Aryan Chauvinist ideology. Fascist Italy motivated by integral nationalism as well as the inherent contrasting capitalist orientation in the Fascist and Nazis pursuit, which was defamed in the communist manifesto has influenced a generalised notion of an unsatisfactory clarification on the appropriate usage of term 'totalitarianism' (Communist Manifesto, 1884, English translation (1888)). It is pertinent to note, notwithstanding that these variances are mainly expressed in the ideologies and opinions of the ruling parties in the different states, and do not affect their common feature of dictatorship, absolutism, and sometimes, bloodletting approaches.

Content

For the present study, the depiction of totalitarianism is extended beyond the boundaries of the typical nation-state and applied to the global geo-political context. However, this is not intended to obscure the traditional perception of totalitarian regimes as a product of national political ideologies but to depict the abrasive expansion of totalitarian ideas in geo-strategic spaces and global politics. “Mirroring the present from the past”, the article, within the context of totalitarian philosophy, draws from the historical experiences of totalitarianism in European diplomacy to bring a perspective on the current development in global diplomacy. The paper adds the totalitarian discourse, which has been shied away from in literature, to the analysis of the Russo-Ukrainian war by using the event study and comparative methods in historical research. Thus, the following section focuses on European totalitarian experiences during the twentieth century to foreground totalitarianism's ideals and dynamics in practice. In a subsequent section, this will provide insights for constructive comparative context with the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. The Past: Totalitarianism in Twentieth Century Europe The emergence of totalitarian regimes became a pivotal development that would shape international politics in the interwar years and the rest of the first half of the 20th century. Shortly after the armistice of WWI, several powerful European states—Russia, Germany, and Italy—including Japan in East Asia—were taken over by dictators. These events began to stir up similar sentiments in Spain and other places across the world. Why Totalitarianism in Post-World War I? The era of totalitarianism surfaced in the annals of history following the end of WWI (1914-1919). By 1939, Europe had hitherto grown conservative and absolute monarchical governments and had already experienced significant political transformations. In France, Britain, Switzerland and some other places, liberal democracies had found their footing, while in Germany, Italy, Russia, and, by far, Japan in East Asia, totalitarian despots had grabbed the reins of power. Perhaps this could be due to its radical approach to challenging the 'incompatible norms' of the post-WWI international arrangement. Totalitarianism soon became fashionable and a wave of the future. In several ways, WWI experience occasioned the emergence of an era of totalitarian regimes in Europe. Following the defeat of Germany in the war, the Allied Powers- Britain, France, Italy, and later the United States met in Paris to make a constructive arrangement for peace and global stability (Kennedy, 1988, pp. 275-277). The ideological differences between the United States and the European powers would constitute a challenge in the process. The presentation of a fourteen-point agenda by Woodrow Wilson, influenced by the Monroe Doctrine and American democratic creed, contrasted the balance of power scheme, which European powers had hitherto practiced (Library of Congress, n.d.). The Wilsons' ideal emphasised collective security, self-determination, and the establishment of a global organisation, the League of Nations, coupled with reconciling Germany, which, according to him, was the best prescription for sustaining global peace and security. Although the European powers did not receive this well, they seemed to be left with no alternative other than embracing these ideals (Kissinger, 1994, pp. 218-223), probably in gesture for the messianic role the United States played in piloting the war to a successful end. Be that as it may, the European powers resorted to making slight modifications to match their collective and personal interests. Notably, the European powers would have preferred a peace arrangement that would guarantee their security and forestall threats from Germany in the future. France, in her case, would not easily forget the humiliation she suffered from Germany in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, specifically the seizure of Alsace and Lorraine, which constituted grave economic implications for her. Thus, France was interested in a settlement that would degrade Germany. For Britain, Germany was the aggressor; therefore, she must be punished and held responsible for the war. In addition, the growing German naval force portended a threat to Britain's security; as such, Britain wanted a reduction of German military, specifically its navy (Knock, 1998, p. 120). Having stepped out of the war in 1917 at the commencement of the Bolshevik Revolution, Russia had since been preoccupied with her domestic affairs, so she was not involved in the Paris settlement. The deliberations and consensus made in Paris produced the Treaty of Versailles (Olmstead, 2018; Graebner & Bennett, 2011, pp. 1-5). The 1919 Versailles arrangement had already taken a modified version from Woodrow Wilson's prescription, such that it has been received among historians to be too harsh on Germany, owing to the provision of Article 231 of the treaty, which contained the war guilt clause and its accompanying grave reparations. The terms of the treaty were indeed unbearable for Germany. Thus, she sought to break loose from the Versailles scheme, which was considered a diktat. Britain and France were left, following the walk away of the United States (for reasons of her isolationist policy), to enforce the Versailles terms and confront Germany's defiance of the treaty. Essentially, the repressive conditions placed on Germany in Europe, coupled with domestic hardship and apprehension, stirred the Germans' desire for a change, which Hitler's rise appeared to offer. Correspondingly, these nations' engagement in WWI drained the economy of Europe. The economic depression that followed the 1929 Wall Street Crash led to an overall economic collapse. Russia, Italy, and Japan suffered severe economic turmoil during this period. The endemic unemployment, loss of properties and general devastation made it difficult to make ends meet. (Graebner & Bennett, 2011; Kennedy, 1988, pp. 278-279). Thus, they were at the mercy of militant leaders as Stalin in Russia, Hitler in Germany, and Mussolini in Italy, who promised to facilitate change. The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 was an event that demonstrated the ability of a devoted and zealous minority to exercise dominance and instil its ideology on the state. This became evident in the victory of the Bolsheviks over the majority of the white army. Again, under Vladimir Lenin, it was shown how liberal values can be subjected to the will of a single minority party and leader. This way, Lenin had already laid the foundation for a minority party dictatorship that would be adopted by other minority leaders in other states. However, the context of the current study, drawing from the European experience of totalitarianism during the interwar era (1919-1939), seems identical, as will be demonstrated, with an extant development in global politics in the 21st century, the Russo-Ukrainian war. Totalitarian Challenge to the Versailles International System, 1919-1939 Several factors have been considered in the analysis of issues resulting in the disruption and collapse of the Versailles order. While it has been argued that the absence of the United States in implementing the Versailles arrangement was the primary factor in this respect, others have attributed the sinister outcome to the economic depression of the late 1920s. (Link, Edwin, & Anderson, 1978, p. 593). However, none of these factors appeared to have influenced the tide of happenings that culminated in the disorganisation of the Versailles order and the eventual failure of the League of Nations as the emergence and doings of totalitarian regimes, which resulted in the outbreak of WWII. It would be needful to remember that the development of the Versailles arrangement was influenced by the ideologies and interests of some 'big four', side-lining the contributions of other powerful states within the system it tends to re-order. The term 'Big Four' describes the statesmen of the four main allied powers: British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, Italian Prime Minister Vittorio Orlando, French Premier Georges Clemenceau, and U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. These leaders played a key role in the Paris Peace Conference and shaped the Versailles Peace Treaty of 1919 following World War I. The outcome of this 'utopian' peace arrangement was the exhibition of irreconcilable interest in favour of some against others. Since Britain and France were 'architects' of the Versailles scheme, it opened up to satisfy their interest at the expense of such powers as Russia, Japan, and Germany in particular, which was compelled under international pressure to sign the treaty (Henig, 1995, pp. 1-13). Thus, the lop-sidedness of the Versailles order naturally developed discontent for it on the part of its victims; therefore, instead of defending the order, they aligned on the offensive, staging up defiance to offset it (Malcomson, 2025, pp. 23-24). The development and spread of totalitarian ideals became platforms of pursuing their interest in the post-Versailles era. In Russia, the triumph of Bolshevism in 1917 and the subsequent institution of the communist system under the auspices of Vladimir Lenin were instrumental to the proliferation of totalitarian ideology. It allows states to exist in isolation of globally accepted norms and take the state's interest as paramount above all other considerations. Following the demise of Lenin in 1924, other leaders aspired to ascend to the reins of power; notable among them were Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin. As the event turned out, Stalin established himself as a dictator of the Soviet Union, enforcing totalitarianism in the USSR. Unfolding events in Russia culminated in a period known as the Red Scare between 1919 and 1920 in the United States. This was a period of fear and anxiety on the possibility of a similar revolution in the United States by the Communists from Russia. More so, bombings in certain American cities and the assassination attempts on Attorney General Mitchell Palmer and John D. Rockefeller during the period further intensified the apprehension. Thus, the United States had to forestall the possibility of such an occurrence by passing a bill in Congress on the restriction of immigrants, arresting and deporting suspected communists in what has been regarded as the Palmer Raids. At the time, thousands of immigrants were also extradited from the U.S. Essentially, the influence of Russia within the architecture of international diplomacy before the commencement of the Great War and the Russian Revolution particularly, was undoubtedly significant such that her non-partisanship in the armistice of WWI due to her new nomenclature as a communist state held a significant challenge to the post-Versailles order. Although Russia joined the League of Nations, it could not contain the dominance of France and Britain and the inherent inhibitions placed on it, especially on concerns of interest. This came to a head when Russia went against the League's consensus on the Finland issue, which subsequently earned her an expulsion from the League in 1939. In 1922, events in Italy had taken a similar turn with the emergence of a new fascist regime. Benito Mussolini had proclaimed himself as the absolute dictator of Italy, having discredited the old order through propaganda, coercion, and violence, lending widespread credence to his emergence. Fascist ascendancy in Italy posed a daunting challenge to the post-Versailles order (Bosworth, 1998). Although Prime Minister Vittorio Orland of Italy was one of the significant delegates of the Paris Peace Conference, he could not achieve the desires of the Italians, probably because of so much domestic pressure and the assertiveness of his colleagues at the Conference. Their quest for additional territories on the Coast of Adriatic was not entrenched in the treaty. These formed the basis for Italy's dissatisfaction and defiance in the post-Versailles era. By the mid-1930s, Mussolini had started pursuing his sinister interest in establishing a Roman Empire where Italy could assert its dominance. In this light, Mussolini deployed Italian troops to invade Ethiopia in October 1935. The League condemned the act and imposed economic sanctions on Italy to curtail her mission. Italy disregarded the League's positions and continued its aggressive policy in Ethiopia. By May 1936, Emperor Haile Selassie had already been exiled from Ethiopia and had integrated into the Italian Empire. In 1926, Japanese Emperor Hirohito ascended to leadership in Japan. Although he did not exercise total control over the government- that is, Japan did not officially adopt fascism-the military's powerful position in the government enabled them to enforce a similar type of totalitarianism. Following the Great War, Japan had been poised to develop Western diplomacy in East Asia and institute itself as its vanguard. In the Versailles arrangement, Japan's interest was not captured as it only consented to Japan's possession of China's Shantung. This never satisfied the hegemonic aspiration of Japan in East Asia and engendered Japan's conflictual stance in the post-Versailles era. Since Japan would not gain support from America, Britain, and France in her expansionist policy, she chose militarism after the order of Russia and Germany (Graebner & Bennett, 2011, p. 102). In this respect, Japan started to expand its military, especially its naval force in the Pacific. To control this, Charles E. Hughes, then United States Secretary of State, initiated a conference in 1921 where the Nine Power Pact was ratified to reduce arms racing and curtail Japan's naval expansion, particularly. All these did not seem to have limited Japan in pursuing her hegemonic interest; she furthered her goal toward subjugating China economically and, by far, politically. On 18 September 1937, the Japanese troops occupied Manchuria and changed it into a vassal state called Manchukuo. Hovering on the appeasement policy of the League, Japan continued its expansion to other Chinese ports. These actions were indeed confrontational to the Versailles order, specifically its clause on disarmament and an outright disregard of the Nine-Power Pacts of 1921, which largely disorganised the sanctity of the Versailles Treaty. Totalitarian characteristics in Germany during the inter-war years were profound. Although Russia, Italy, and Japan reserved their dissatisfaction with the Versailles arrangement, Germany's case was beyond mere dissatisfaction; it was the most disgruntled state in the post-Versailles era. An outstanding peculiarity to Germany in the treaty was that it was based on the fact that Germany was accused of destabilising peace and instigating the Great War. Therefore, Article 231 of the Versailles treaty established a war guilt clause on Germany; consequently, Germany was to take full responsibility for the cost of the war (Kissinger, 1994, p. 245). Having been obliged to ratify the Versailles treaty, Germany was ushered into an era of severe economic and social hardship. The untold burden Versailles imposed on Germany, coupled with German popular public discontent against the arrangement, paved the way for the effectiveness of Hitler's propaganda in Germany. The rise of Adolf Hitler in the Nationalist Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazi Party) in 1921 and his eventual emergence as German Chancellor in 1933 dealt a grave blow on the Versailles arrangement. However, before the triumph of Nazism and Hitler as the German figure several diplomatic interplays had featured toward the nuances arising from the ill-fated peace settlement. German foreign minister Gustav Stresemann's advocacy of the fulfillment policy in 1923 focused on the recovery of Germany from the inhibitions of the Versailles treaty. The policy upheld that Germany would only respond to the payment of reparations when the restrictions in the Versailles against Germany were reviewed. Since Germany was not responding in the payment of reparations, not just on policy grounds but really because of her economic disability, France occupied the Ruhr, the German industrial sector, to explore steel and coal. This action further angered the Germans. In a bid to limit France's assertive implementation of the reparation payment, the Dawes plan was introduced in 1924 (Kissinger, 1994, pp. 278, 282-283). The plan sought to lessen the burden of the reparations imposed on Germany by providing loans from America to offset some percentage of the reparations. Although this programme was not well received by Germans, considering it as a form of enslavement, it was adopted such that by 1925, France had withdrawn from the Ruhr. In the same year, a congress was held in London to foster the security of Western Europe. In the meeting, the standard frontiers of France, Germany and Belgium were established, notably the neutralisation of the Rhineland. The consensus of this congress was ratified in what is to be known as the Locarno Treaty of 1925. By 1929, the Young Plan had replaced the Dawes plan, premised on the need to further facilitate the reparations payment (Kissinger, 1994, pp. 282-283). The dissatisfaction of the Germans to the various so-called external alleviation economic policies made the activism of Hitler and the Nazis party fashionable to the Germans. Essentially, Hitler's book, Mein Kampf, where he expressed his intense antipathy toward all inhibitions and odd impositions against Germany's freedom and dominance in Europe, became trendy as Germans perceived him as their Messiah (Tucker, 1965, pp. 558-59). By 1933, Adolf Hitler had emerged as the absolute leader of the German state. Immediately, he structured a cabinet of seasoned technocrats, outstanding industrialists and ranking military officers to support his restructuring and defiance campaigns. Soon, Hitler commenced his Saturday Surprises – a campaign to cast off the shackles of Versailles, for instance, the reoccupation of the Rhine on Saturday, 7 March 1936 (Shore, 1999, p. 5). It was usual of him to launch his defiant operations on Saturdays when major political players have resorted to domestic relaxation. In addition, he commenced the rearmament of the German military and conscripted about 550,000 men into the various tiers of the military apparatus (Collier & Pedley, 2000, p. 143). The turning of events in Germany became of growing concern to the allied powers, France and Britain specifically, so they condemned Hitler's disobedience to the Versailles Order. Hitler's justification for his action was the need to curtail Russia's communist influence in Germany. This excuse was not satisfactory to Britain and France; as such, they wanted a corporate effort towards calling Germany to order (Collier & Pedley, 2000, p. 143). Thus, the Stresa Conference of 1935 was conveyed in France with the attendance of Britain and Italy. Unfortunately, the Conference could not achieve its purpose owing to Italy's expansionism in North Africa. Following the failure of the Stresa Conference, France turned to Russia, which seemed to share similar fears about Germany's military recuperation. At the time, it became clear to Hitler that the Allied powers were not interested in adopting an aggressive approach to preserve the Versailles arrangement (Shore, 1999, pp. 5-6). Therefore, Hitler went on to demilitarise the Rhineland, and the allied powers took no decisive action due to their appeasement policy for peace. In furtherance of a pacific approach to peace, the Munich Pact was signed in Germany. As its terms dictated, Sudetenland, a region in Czechoslovakia occupied by German-speaking people, was handed over to Hitler to keep him from further expansion in Europe. Scarcely had one year passed that Hitler revoked the agreement of Munich when he held claim to major parts of Czechoslovakia as a German province in March 1939. While the allied powers were still trying to gather momentum to address his possession of Czechoslovakia, on September 1, 1939, he proceeded to invade Poland. At this point, the defiance of the totalitarian regime had come to a head that the international order could no longer contain; the outcome was the outbreak of WWII. The extant Russo-Ukrainian war, as seen in the following section, shares stark similarities with totalitarian schemes in international politics during the interwar years (1919-1939). What has remained a cold concern is the anticipation of whether or not the war would precipitate a Third World War. The perception of history repeating itself seems to be brought to the fore as hands are crossed with events unfolding.

Conclusion

The fields of international relations and strategic diplomacy are arguably among the most dynamic, marked by unceasing eruptions occurring from time to time. These unfolding events are better interrogated with the historical lens due to its rich and robust perception from hindsight. Thus far, certain deductions can be made. In the same way that the Versailles arrangement contributed to the emergence of totalitarianism during the interwar years (1919-1939), the dissolution of the Soviet Union (USSR) in 1990/91 and the unceasing expansion of the West in NATO's garb remains at the root of the extant Russo-Ukrainian war. Further, discussions on the texture of totalitarian regimes among which are Bolshevism in the Soviet Union, Fascism in Italy, Militarism in Japan and, of courses Nazism in Germany in twentieth century Europe is identical with the approach in which Russia's Putin is pursuing his geostrategic interest. In addition, the extant choreographed confrontation between Russia and Ukraine highlights the profundity of Russia's national security concerns and its relevance in the architecture of international diplomacy. Not surprisingly, Russia is adopting a globally unpopular ideology to the 21st century to gain geopolitical and global attention. While this has been well achieved given its aggressive military adventures since 2014, Moscow's un-reconciliatory stance despite international sanctions foregrounds a new wave of a more global totalitarian order. Just like the totalitarian dictators of the twentieth century, Vladimir Putin has assumed and created for himself an unchallengeable figure, better still, dictator of the Russian Federation, strengthened the military with unpredictable nuclear capabilities, propagandised diplomacy and repression of liberal ideals in Russia. Notably, this assumed figure has begun to export these ideals beyond European borders by creating a network of comrades/dictators across various geopolitical spaces. To be sure, emergent military dictators from the West Africa Sahel have begun to draw inspiration. It is hoped that the current diplomatic siege clothed in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine will not snowball into a globally undesired conflagration – a Third World War – just as totalitarian regimes in Europe contributed decisively to the outbreak of the Second World War.

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Authors: Eyoh Etim

Email: eyohetim29@gmail.com

Phone: +2348027898705

Abstract

In this paper, I read selected poems in Ime Ikiddeh's The Vulture's Funeral and Reincarnation as social signifiers based on the theoretical constructs drawn from Cultural Semiotics. As social signifiers, the poems studied are signs whose referents reflect the socio-political and cultural ethos of its milieu, and form a good part of the Akwa Ibom and Nigerian signification system. Ikiddeh's poetics has profited from the rich oral tradition of Akwa Ibom cultural space which are deployed to make important statements on the realities of the society from which the poems emanate. Ikiddeh's poems are unique in the sense that they are folktales rendered in verse forms, thus giving the poems their allegorical texture and signifying orders. This way, Ikiddeh's arts are read beyond their surface meaning of birds and their aerial cultural values to take into accounts the recent human experiences in the poet's political and socio-cultural spaces. His poems reflect a rich array of cultural mnemonics which represent the lived experiences of modern Akwa Ibom peoples in the Nigerian political space, and can be read as at once a personal and collective response to all the moments that sum up the existential dynamics of contemporary society.

Keywords

Akwa Ibom Poetry, Social Signification, Vulture, Funeral, Reincarnation, Cultural Semiotics, Nigerian Poetry, African Poetry, Ime Ikiddeh

Introduction

Has it ever occurred to you that meaning is what makes life and arts enjoyable? Without the ability of human beings to decipher meaning in any event or situation, it would be difficult for them to appreciate the import or significance of the event. Meaning lurks in all of life's circumstances, including arts and literature. There are many ways, methods and theories deployed by critics of arts and literature in accounting for meaning in art objects. In recent times, I have been fascinated by some of the linguistic theories of literature, especially given the increasing propensity of critics in our time to advocate the combination of literature and language-based theories in the interpretation of texts in order to make up for the perceived deficiencies in content-only and form-only approaches to literary criticism. For instance, in my 2023 paper entitled, 'The Poetics of Rivers and the Intertextual Practices in Joe Ushie's 'Bekwang River' and Gabriel Okara's 'The Call of the River Nun', I coined the term 'postcolonial formalism' to account for how content (postcolonialism) and form (formalism) can at once be appreciated in the selected poems of Ushie and Osundare (E. Etim, 2023, pp. 83-95). However, among the linguistic theories that allow for a more robust interpretation of content and form in literature is cultural semiotics, which is deployed as the theoretical framework for this study

Content

Semiotics is among the most recent linguistic theories that can be deployed in the interpretation of literature and other cultural objects. The word semiotics has a Greek root, semeiotikos, which means 'an interpreter of signs' (Paul Cobley and Litza Jansz, 1999, p.4). This means that semiotics, often described as the science of signs, is a theory that is interested in the study of signs and how they function in the art of meaning realisation. A sign, within the context of language and semiotics, can be defined as a word, an object or an element that realises its semantic significance in another word, object or element. According to Bengu Batu, 'a sign can be a word. . . a work of art, a text or a collection of different rules that govern societal life' (Batu, 2012, p. 465). Going by this definition, I propose to analyse the poems selected from Ikiddeh's The Vulture's Funeral as signs that point to the sociocultural denotations and connotations of the Akwa Ibom milieu. Cultural semiotics has its parental sheltering in semiotics; hence it is important to, first of all, expound on semiotics before we discuss the tenets of cultural semiotics. Semiotics is usually construed as a modernist/postmodernist theoretical tool which began with proponents such as Ferdinand de Saussure, Charles Sanders Peirce, Roland Barthes, Algirdas Julien Greimas and Umberto Eco, among others. However, it should be noted that semiotics has its roots traced back to ancient times with Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics and the Epicureans, St Augustine and John Locke, among others. These proto-semioticians laid the foundation for the field by philosophising on the ontology of signs. For instance, the classical sign scholars argued over the existence of natural and conventional signs, giving rise to the perennial debate between the naturalists and the conventionalist, with the naturalists believing that the referents for signs were natural while the conventionalists believed that the relationship between signs and their referents was arbitrary, based on the agreement of the members of a speech community (David Eka, 2008, p.13). Another aspect of pre-Saussurean semiotics was practised by Hippocrates and his contemporaries in the f ield of medicine. For them, the symptoms in their patients were seen as signs because they stood for certain ailments (Marcel Danes and Paul Peron, 1999, p.5). The Medieval study of signs was based on hermeneutics as practised by Clement of Alexandria, Peter Abelard, Thomas Aquinas, John Duns Scotus and William of Ockam, among others. Among the proto-semiotic views that existed in the medieval period included scholasticism and nominalism. In scholasticism, the signs deployed in the representation of religious beliefs were seen to be independent, while nominalists inferred that signs were not the direct referents of the beliefs they were used to represent. For Thomas Aquinas, signs functioned to aid reasoning concerning scientific and philosophical truths. As far as William of Ockam was concerned, signs were used to infer other signs based on the Platonic model of ideal forms. Among the Renaissance and post-Renaissance scholars and philosophers interested in the study of signs were Nicolaus Copernicus, Francis Bacon, Galilei Galileo, Thomas Hobbes, Rene Descartes, Benedict Spinoza, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz and David Hume, John Locke, Giambattista Vico, Immanuel Kant and George Berkeley. During the Renaissance, signs functioned in the analysis of iconography and in the interpretation of symbols in literature and the arts. Renaissance philosophers laid the foundation for the mental and abstract conceptualisation of signs in the semiotic studies of the modern period. The modern sign scholars are Ferdinand de Saussure, Charles Sanders Peirce, Charles Morris, Roman Jakobson, Vladimir Propp, Louis Hjelmslev, Tahsin Yucel, Roland Barthes, A. J. Greimas, Thomas Sebeok and Umberto Eco, among others. Saussure construed semiotics as semiology based on the theoretical outcomes of his synchronic study of language. Thus, the first modern theorisation of signs came with Saussure's structuralism which perceives language as a code that embodies a system structured in the form of signifiers and signifieds (Charles Bressler, 1994). For Saussure, the sign is a dyad of signifier-signified relations, where the signifier stands for the verbal image and the signified refers to the mental concept linked to the verbal image. The relationship between the signifier and the signified is at once arbitrary and based on difference, which are the bases upon which meaning is realised. It should be noted that modern semiotics rests on the structuralist foundation laid by Saussure and that semiotics remains basically a structuralist science.

Conclusion

In this paper, I have attempted the cultural semiotic analysis of Ime Ikiddeh's The Vulture's Funeral and Reincarnation by deploying tools and concepts from theoretical semiotics to present a discursive reading of the issues raised in the primary text. The analysis reveals that Ikiddeh's work is a rich poetic statement on the postcolonial and postmodern Nigerian and African life seen primarily from the perspectives of birds and drawn from the rich oral tradition and folkloric materials of the Ibibio. It is realised that the entire text is an allegory whose meaning is layered and varied, which explains why the semiotic approach was preferrable for this particular reading enterprise. The text is also rich in anthropomorphism as well as prosopopoeia, through the ascription of human qualities to non-human ones. The levels of signification in the work are discoursed based on the extant theoretical models outlined in the work. The discussion proceeds from the primary levels of signification involving animals and their attributes and graduates into the world of human beings, harvesting and yielding second-order mode meanings that enrich our understanding of the text.

References

References Abrams, H. & Harpham, G. (2005). A Glossary of Literary Terms. Cengage Learning. Batu, B. (20120. 'An Overview of the Field of Semiotics.' Procedia Social and Behavioural Sciences. 51, 464-469. Bressler, C. (1994). Literary Criticism: An Introduction. Third Edition. New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc. Coby, P. & Jansz, L. (1999). Introducing Semiotics. Cambridge: Icon Books. Danes, M. & Paul, P. (1999). Analysing Cultures: An Introduction. Third Edition. Project Muse. Indiana University Press. Accessed: 8th May, 2025, at muse.jhu.edu/pub/3/monograph/chapter/3722224. Eka, D. (2008). Elements of Grammar and Mechanics of the English Language. Uyo: Samuf Nigeria Limited. Etim, E. (2023). 'The Poetics of Rivers and the Intertextual Practices in Joe Ushie's “Bekwang River” and Gabrel Okara's “The Call of the River Nun”'. Integrity Journal of Arts and Humanities. 4(5), 83-95. DOI: 10.31248/IJH2023.084. Felluga, D. (2003). 'Modules on Greimas: On the Semiotic Square'. Introductory Guide to Critical Theory. Narratology. Accessed: 8th May, 2025, at cla.purdue.edu.academic/English/Theory/narratology/modules/greimassquare.ht ml/ He, J. & Long, J. (2021). 'Cultural Semiotics and the Related Interpretation.' Advances in Social Sciences and the Related Interpretation. 5 & 6, 1268-1272. Ikiddeh, I. (2005). The Vulture's Funeral and Reincarnation. Uyo: Minder International. Oha, O. (2000). 'Signs, Cities, and Designs of Capacities: The Semiotic of Road Monuments in Some Nigerian Cities'. The African Anthropologist. 7 (1), 33-47. Tarasti, E. (2017). 'The Semiotics of A. J. Greimas: A European Intellectual Heritage Seen from the Inside and the Outside.' Sign System Studies. 45 (1/2), 33-53. Umoren, T. (2003). 'African Oral Tradition and the African Literary Renaissance: Ime Ikiddeh's The Vulture's Funeral'. A Journal of Research in English and Literature. 4, 119-128.

Authors: Peter Tavershima Kumaga, Kercha Thomas Tivzua, Isaac Asongo Ngobua, Tyokohol Saakuma Williams

Email: kumagapeter@gmail.com

Phone: 09037196084

Abstract

Religion has long been a cornerstone of African identity, shaping cultural practices, social norms and communal values. However, in an increasingly globalised society, the intersection of religion and African identity has become a complex and contested space. This study explores the role of religion in African societies, its potential threat to indigenous identities and its interaction with globalisation. The problem lies in the tension between preserving African cultural heritage and the influences of external religious and global forces, which often marginalise traditional African beliefs and practices. The aim of this study is to examine how religion functions in African societies, assess its impact on African identity and propose ways to reconcile these dynamics in a globalised world. Using a qualitative methodology, the study draws on literature reviews, interviews and case studies to analyse the dual role of religion as both a unifying and divisive force. Key findings reveal that religion serves as a moral and social framework but also poses a threat to African identity through the dominance of foreign religious ideologies. In a globalised context, African identity is further challenged by cultural homogenisation. However, the study identifies opportunities to reclaim African identity by integrating traditional values with modern religious and global influences. The study recommends promoting interfaith dialogue, revitalising indigenous knowledge systems and fostering cultural education to strengthen African identity. In conclusion, while religion and globalisation present challenges, they also offer avenues for Africans to redefine their identity in a way that honors their heritage while engaging with the global community.

Keywords

Religion, African Identity, Religion and Globalisation

Introduction

In an increasingly interconnected world, the intersection of religion and African identity has become a critical area of exploration. Religion, as a cornerstone of cultural and social life, has historically played a significant role in shaping the values, traditions and worldviews of African societies. It serves as a unifying force, providing moral guidance, fostering community cohesion, and offering a sense of belonging in a rapidly changing world. However, the globalisation of religious ideologies, particularly through colonialism and missionary activities, has also raised questions about the preservation of Africa's unique cultural and spiritual heritage. This has led to debates about whether religion, in its current forms, poses a threat to African identity or can coexist harmoniously with it in a globalised context. This discussion delves into the multifaceted role of religion in African societies, examining its functions as both a preserver and a disruptor of cultural identity. It also explores the tensions between indigenous African spiritual practices and foreign religious traditions, particularly in a globalised world where cultural homogenisation often overshadows local traditions. Furthermore, the discourse addressed strategies for reclaiming and redeeming African identity amidst the influences of religion and globalisation, emphasising the need for a balanced approach that respects both tradition and modernity. By engaging with these themes, this exploration seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of how Africans can navigate their identity in a world where religion and globalisation continue to shape their collective and individual experiences.

Content

Conceptual Clarification: Religion, African Identity and a Globalised World Religion, African identity and globalisation are interconnected concepts that shape and redefine each other in a rapidly changing world. Religion, as a system of beliefs and practices centered on the sacred, has historically been a cornerstone of African identity, influencing cultural, social and political life (John Samuel Mbiti, 1990, p. 1-2) African identity, in turn, is a complex construct that encompasses shared histories, cultures, languages and spiritual traditions, often rooted in communal values and oral traditions (Kwame Gyekye, 1996, p. 28). In a globalised world, these elements are increasingly influenced by external forces, leading to both the preservation and transformation of African religious and cultural practices. Globalisation, characterised by the intensification of worldwide social relations and the compression of time and space (Anthony Giddens 1990, p. 64-65), has created a dynamic interplay between local and global religious practices. For instance, African Traditional Religions (ATRs) have interacted with Christianity and Islam, resulting in syncretic practices that reflect both indigenous and global influences (Jacob K. Olupona, 2014, p. 72-75). This hybridisation challenges the notion of a static African identity, suggesting instead that identity is fluid and adaptive to global currents (Kwame Anthony Appiah's, 2006, p. 97-113). In Tiv land of Benue State, Nigeria, Benjamin Ityavkase Shii (2011, p. 411) lamented that the Christian missionaries contributed greatly to destroying group alliance in Tiv land: “The church taught that salvation was a personal matter and that one stood finally before a personal God to give a personal account. Many Christians could not participate in some of the practices of the community, and the Christians are the catalyst for the breakup of the ancient Tiv ties. The church now offers a new and important community to the Tiv. The church is also a place to identify with a group, a new focus of loyalty; the church serves as a substitute for the lost oligarchy of the compound. According to (Akpenpuun Dzurgba, 2011, p. 50), European African relationship was principally motivated by economic interest of nations. In this context, natural resources, production and distribution of goods and services, trade, commerce, commercial routs, political power, literary education, technological knowledge and skills, as well as strong armed forces, were all together utilised to achieve economic development. At this time, Carthaginian Empire was the only strong empire that could challenge European Empires in the Mediterranean region. The existing kingdoms in North Africa were militarily and economically weak and there was no cooperation among them. This means that the main aim of the Europeans in Africa was to disintegrate them and plunder their resources.

Conclusion

Religion has traditionally been a central pillar in African societies, shaping moral values, social organisation and cultural identity. It provided a framework for belonging and helped communities face life's challenges. The advent of globalisation has created both opportunities and tensions. While some religious influences support African values, others—especially those introduced through colonialism—have disrupted indigenous traditions and weakened African identity. Religion now functions both as a preserver of African identity and a potential agent of cultural erosion. It unites communities but can also alienate them if it promotes foreign ideologies at the expense of indigenous beliefs. Africans are called to engage critically with religion—embracing elements that resonate with their cultural values and rejecting those that conflict with their identity. This includes reviving indigenous religious practices and fostering dialogue between traditional beliefs and modern realities. In a rapidly globalising world, the relationship between religion and African identity remains both intricate and consequential. To preserve and reclaim their cultural heritage, Africans must become active agents in shaping how religion influences their lives. By promoting indigenous religious expressions, valuing traditional knowledge systems and encouraging dialogue between old and new, Africans can ensure that religion serves as a tool for empowerment rather than alienation. Through this conscious engagement, Africa can confidently assert its identity on the global stage—contributing to a world that cherishes diversity, upholds cultural dignity, and fosters genuine understanding across civilisations.

References

Achebe, C. (2014). Things Fall Apart. Penguin Books. Adichie, C. N. (2009). 'The Danger of a Single Story'. TED Talk. Adogame, A. (2013). The African Christian Diaspora: New Currents and Emerging Trends inAfrica. Oxford University Press. Amadiume, I. (1987). Male Daughters, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African Society. Zed Books. Appiah, K. A. (1992). In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture. Oxford UP.---. (2006). Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. W.W. Norton & Company. Asante, M. K. (1987). The Afrocentric Idea. Temple University Press.---. (1998). The Afrocentric Idea. Temple UP.---, (2003). Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change. African American Images. Barrett, Justin L. (2004). Why Would Anyone Believe in God? Alta Mira Press. Bovill, E. W. (1995). The Golden Trade of the Moors: West African Kingdoms in the Fourteenth Century. Markus Wiener Publishers. Boyer, P. (2001). Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. Basic Books. Chicago Press. Chidester, D. (2005). Authentic Fakes: Religion and American Popular Culture. University of California Press. Davidson, B. (1991). Africa in History: Themes and Outlines. Simon & Schuster. Dawkins, R. (2006). The selfish gene (30th anniversary ed.). Oxford University Press. ---. (2006). The God Delusion. Houghton Mifflin. Durkheim, É. (1995). The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Trans. Karen E. Fields. Free Press. Dzurgba, A. (2011). The Tiv and their Culture Ibadan: John Archers. Ellis, S. & Ter Haar, G. (2004). Worlds of Power: Religious Thought and Political Practice. Oxford University Press. Falola, T., & Heaton, M. M. (2008). A History of Nigeria. Cambridge University Press. Fortes, M., & Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1940). African Political Systems. Oxford University Press. Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. Basic Books. Giddens, A. (1990). The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford UP. Gifford, P. (1998). African Christianity: Its Public Role. Indiana University Press ---, (2004). Ghana's New Christianity: Pentecostalism in a Globalising African Economy. Indiana University Press Gyekye, K. (1996). African Cultural Values: An Introduction. Sankofa Publishing. Hackett, R. I. J. (1996). Art and Religion in Africa. Cassell. Iliffe, J. (1995). Africans: The History of a Continent. Cambridge University Press. Kalu, O. (2008). African Pentecostalism: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. Levtzion, N. and Randall L. P., eds. (2000). The History of Islam in Africa. Ohio University Press. Makgoba, M. W. (1999). African Renaissance: The New Struggle. Mafube Publishing. Marshall, R. (2009). Political Spiritualities: The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria. University of Chicago Press. Mazrui, A. A. (1996). The Africans: A Triple Heritage. BBC Books. Mbiti, J. S. (1991). Introduction to African Religion. Heinemann.---. (1969). African Religions and Philosophy. 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Christianity in Tiv Land, a History of NKST, Makurdi. Oracle Business Ltd. Shipton, P. (1989). Bitter Money: Cultural Economy and some African Meanings of Forbidden Commodities. American Ethnological Society. Tomlinson, J. (1991). Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction. Johns Hopkins, UP. Tutu, D. (1999). No Future without Forgiveness. Doubleday. Ukah, A. (2020). The Globalization of African Pentecostalism. Brill. UNESCO. (2023). Intangible Cultural Heritage. UNESCO, www.unesco.org . Wilson, D. S. (2002). Darwin's Cathedral: Evolution, Religion and the Nature of Society. University of Chicago Press. Mazrui, A. A. (1996). The Africans: A Triple Heritage. BBC Books. Oyewole, S. (2019). African Indigenous Religions and Globalization: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Routledge. Peel, J. D. Y. (2000). Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba. Indiana University Press. Ukah, A. (2020). The Globalization of African Pentecostalism. Brill. Okpewho, I. (1992). 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Authors: Mopelola Rachael Olayiwola

Email: molayiwola42@gmail.com

Phone: 08099515588

Abstract

Contemporary Ugandan novelists are preoccupied with the consequence of female marginality. Women, for a long time, have been described as easily subverted by unpleasant situations they daily encounter. Hence, women characters are depicted as quickly succumbing to vices of subordination without outlining their effort to subvert marginal treatments meted out to them. This representation is an imbalanced imagination of women and their evolving resilience and self-assertiveness against continued depreciation. Feminist poststructuralism was deployed as the theoretical framework, while the interpretive design was used to anaylse how instances of marginality are subverted after the victimised's encounter with violence. Gerotti Kymuhendo's Secret No More and Moses Isegawa's Abyssinian Chronicles were purposively selected for the study owing to their thematic relevance to the subject of the study. The selected texts were subjected to critical analyses. Also, the selection of a text each from a male and a female author was to help in the analysis of the nuances of subversion from a balanced gender perspective. I particularly paid attention to the ways the subjugation of women enhances the continuation of chasm in the representations of gendered roles. This, I have discovered, breeds not just their perpetual oppression, but conceals any possible attempt of transfiguring from the state of objectification. However, the varied replications of women's subservience as represented in the discussed fictional narratives expose deprivations in order to strategically plan women's emancipation from oppressive vices. In this way, the novels reflect stereotypes that influence the persistent dehumanisation of women but draw attention to the imperfections of polarities as possible propellant of transmutations which helps victims of oppressions to subvert their degradations. I submitted here that the need to exhibit parallel autonomy displayed in victimised characters is a main factor that disabuses fixations in expressions of antithetical gendered traits and roles.

Keywords

Ugandan literature, Marginality, Gendered roles, Women's emancipation, Transmutations

Introduction

The allotment of gendered roles based strictly on anatomic, physiological and cultural principles in almost all the world communities polarises both sexes. This makes it impossible for both sexes to relate as equals in many social matters. Observably, the childbearing and child rearing roles of women have continued since ancient times to define their personalities and values. Thus, gendered role is responsible for female subjectivity and marginality. Michel Foucault (1978) states that the reason for this differentiation is that all human societies are sexualised (p.147). The fact that strong consideration is given to biological make-up in almost all societies before gendered roles are assigned indicates the importance of the biological differences between male and female sexes. Consequently, this creation of differences between both sexes based on their biological make-ups empowers society to dictate the level of relevance of both girls and boys and ensures that both sexes function accordingly. Brownmiller (1975) asseverates that communal laws and ideologies are set up in diverse communities to reinforce the created differentiation between gender roles. These commonly held perceptions about the noticeable anatomical differences that exist between the male and female give expression to the notion of gender and gendered roles.

Content

Adverse Implication of Gendered Role Classification on Literature The categorisation of roles based on a strong consideration of human biological nature has adverse implications for the conception of gendered duties in literary writings. This, according to Mackinnon (1982), has led to the conception of women as docile, soft, passive, nurturant, vulnerable, incompetent, masochistic and domestic in many literary texts (p. 580). They are represented in domestic terms as caregivers to their husbands and children. Such representations usually contrast the portrayal of men as strong, capable, natural leaders. This gender-based dichotomy makes it convenient to assign specific roles that index males' superiority over the females' inferiority, as they (the females) are assigned culturally-limiting roles as wives, mothers and housekeepers. Although, according to Sideris (2003, p. 13), gender role has experienced a lot of changes since the modern era and have continued to experience a paradigm shift within society, the influence this shift creates on the fluid adoptions of roles by both male and female is yet to reflect the dynamic representation of selves in most fictional narratives. The allotment of gender roles, as it is constantly depicted in literature, still portrays the chasm that exists between both males and females especially in fictional presentations of characters. This portrayal of dualised gender roles in literature fails to represent the progress women have made over time in breaking free from societal and individualised dominance. Such literary texts replicate women history as a permanently subverted object and adopt the continual polarisation of gender roles. Hence, rather than create dynamic characters who express the essence of the dynamic trend in gender role assignment; many creative works still reflect the binary which permits the exaltation of one gender at the expense of the other. Invariably, this ascribes dominance to men while women are regarded as the other whose feeble nature predisposes her to male consistent dominance. Saadawi (2007) adds some insights to this observation when she alleges that: Among the male authors I have read, both in the West and in the Arab world, irrespective of the language in which they have written, or of the region from which they have come, no one has been able to free him from this age-old image of women handed down to us from ancient past, no matter how famous many of them have been for their passionate defense of human rights, human values and justices, and their vigorous resistance to oppression and tyranny in any form (Saadawi, 2007, p. 77). The distribution of gender roles using the ancient yardstick of biological and cultural measures, hinders the development of versatile male and female characters in literary representations. Rather they result in creating inferior female characters to gain much acceptance in a male-dominated community of writers. This attempt was first noted by Firestone (1970) as resulting in the “misrepresentation of odds” (p. 781). Invariably, in a bid to overhaul the perpetual description of female personalities as oppressed and subsumed under male authorities, female novelists often create female characters whose independence and sexual freedom often resembles that of: . . .evil femme fatale who leads men down to their dooms, the proud educated woman who becomes someone's girlfriend, but never a wife, the virgin, the good girl who helps the old woman and gets rewarded, the one who suffers tribulations silently until a rich man comes along to 'free' her (Abiola et al., 2018, p. 1) The inability of literary writers to construct dynamic characters that reflect the unbiased allotment of gender duties is, perhaps, because the problem of gender role division and sexuality is oppression that goes back beyond recorded history to the animal kingdom (Firestone, 1970; Foucault, 1982). Hence, to construct fluid literary characters who exemplify the growing changes in the gendering of roles, particularly in this epoch, it becomes essential to look beyond biological and cultural limitations that segregate gender roles. However, Foucault (1978) suggests that to achieve a balanced depiction of characters, especially in literary representations of roles, there must be a continuous struggle against the “government” of individualisation. In other words, to break the continuous mystification of sexed characters and stereotypical differentiation of genders in creative writings, the formation of a new power struggle against polarisation becomes the viable solution.

Conclusion

The paper, through its exposition of both genders' parallel response to fear and other humanly exhibited traits, debunks the one-sided representation of women as the only set prone to victimisation. Although it realistically recognises women's susceptibility to oppression especially in volatile circumstances, specifically that of war, it, however, foregrounds women's efforts towards asserting themselves through these unpleasant situations as threatening and actually deconstructing the formidability of patriarchy and all it represents. Also, the paper draws attention to instances of masculine marginalities and discredits the correctness of the dichotomy which usually asserts affection, endurance and fear as virtues mainly expressed by women. The deconstruction of the one-sided exhibition of these traits reveals the writers' inclination to express vulnerability as a generic human trait and not gendered. Also, the paper, through the narrative substantiations of the writers, establishes that all bodies are susceptible to violence and all bodies can meta-morphose as a result of their exposure to violence, depending on their performances and not necessarily on their gender. Most victimised female characters discussed here are able to subvert marginality through their relentless determination to affirm their humanity in the midst of their brutality.

References

Armstrong, A. (2007). 'Reporting from the Edge of Reality: Writing as Phantom Limb in Gerotti Kymuhendo's Fiction'. Journal of International Women's Studies, 10(4), 1–18. Averill, J. (1983). 'Studies on Anger and Aggression: Implications for Theories of Emotion'. American Psychological Association Inc., 2, 1145–1150. Awogu-Maduagwu, E., & Umunnakwe, A. (2018). 'Gendered Representations of Women in War Literature: A Case Study of Akachi Ezeigbo's Roses and Bullets and Festus Iyayi's Heroes. International Journal of Social and Management Science, 2, 1–9. Barthes, R. (1967). 'The Death of the Author'. American Journal Aspen, 5–6. Beauvoir, S. (1949). The Second Sex. Vintage Books. Braidotti, R. (2002). Metamorphosis: Towards a Feminist Theory of Becoming. Polity Press. Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our Will: Men, Women, and Rape. Simon and Schuster. Butler, J. (1999). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge. Emecheta, B. (1980). The Joys of Motherhood. Heinemann Publishers. Emecheta, B. (2007). Feminism with a Small “f”! T. Olaniyan & A. Quayson (Eds.). African Literature: Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Blackwell Publishing, 551–557. Federici, S. (2012). Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle. PM Press. Firestone, S. (1970). The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution. William Morrow and Company. Foucault, M. (1969). Authorship: What is an Author? Screen. 20 (1), 13–34. Foucault, M. (1978). The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Random House. Foucault, M. (1982). The Subject and Power. Critical Inquiry. 8 (4), 777–795. Goux, J. (1973). Économie et symbolique. Éditions du Seuil. Haraway, D. (1991). A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-feminism in the Late Twentieth Century. Routledge. Herman, J. (1992). Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence from Domestic Abuse to Political Terror. Basic Books. Hook, B. (1982). Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. South End Press. Humm, M. (1995). Practising Feminist Criticism: An Introduction. Prentice Hall/Harvester. Isegawa, M. (2001). Abyssinian Chronicles. Alfred A. Knopf. Jenna, K., Briana, M., & Alicia, Q. (2009). Women, Men, and the Changing Roles of Gender in Immigration. Latino Studies. Retrieved January 25, 2025, from University o f No t r e Da m e La t i n o S t u d i e s w e b s i t e : https://latinostudies.nd.edu/assets/95245/original Kymuhendo, G. (1999). Secret no More. Femrite Publications. Kymuhendo, G. (2007). Waiting: A Novel of Uganda's Hidden War. Feminist Press. Mackinnon, C. (1982). Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State: An Agenda for Theory. Chicago Journals. 7(3), 515–544. Millet, K. (1970). Sexual politics. University of Illinois Press. Minh-ha, T. (1989). Woman, Native, Other: Writing Postcolonial and Feminism. Indiana University Press. Ngcobo, L. (2007). African motherhood: Myth and reality. In T. Olaniyan & A. Quayson (Eds.), African Literature: Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Blackwell Publishing, 534–541. Saadawi, N. (2007). The Heroine in Arab Literature. T. Olaniyan & A. Quayson (Eds.). African Literature: Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Blackwell Publishing, 520–525. Sideris, T. (2003). 'War, Gender, and Culture: Mozambican Women Refugees'. Social Science and Medicine. 56, 713–724. Stratton, F. (1988). 'The Shallow Grave: Archetypes of Female Experience in African Fiction'. Research in African Literatures. 19 (2), 143–169. Retrieved August 15, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3819444 Young, R. (2007). 'Subjectivity and History: Derrida in Algeria'. T. Olaniyan & A. Quayson (Eds.). African Literature: Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Blackwell Publishing, 621–627.

Authors: Kehinde Oyetimi

Email: Joyetimi2002@gmail.com

Phone: +2348074626431

Abstract

This study investigates the allegorical function of leprosy in Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'O's Petals of Blood, framing it as a critical lens through which one can examine the dynamics of social exclusion and economic disenfranchisement in post-independence Kenya. Employing a qualitative methodology based on close textual analysis, the study explores how Ngũgĩ utilises disease and isolation as symbolic devices to portray the marginalisation of the rural underclass and the betrayal of nationalist ideals. Drawing on the postcolonial theory—particularly the works of Frantz Fanon, Edward Said and Achille Mbembe—and the interdisciplinary insights of the medical humanities, the paper reveals that leprosy functions in Petals of Blood as both a literal and metaphorical marker of decay. It signifies the continuation of colonial structures of oppression under a new elite, reflecting the moral, political and economic disintegration of the postcolonial state. The findings show that the novel's allegorical use of illness and isolation critiques the failures of the ruling class and underscores the structural abandonment of Kenya's most vulnerable population. The study concludes that Petals of Blood reimagines disease as a powerful metaphor for systemic injustice, using the afflicted body to expose the enduring legacies of colonialism and the ethical collapse of the nation's leadership.

Keywords

Leprosy, Marginalisation, Postcolonialism, Economic Injustice, Ngugi wa, Thiong'O

Introduction

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'O's Petals of Blood (1977) is a powerful postcolonial novel that blends socio-political critique with allegorical narrative to explore the moral and economic disintegration of post-independence Kenya. At the heart of this exploration lies the allegory of leprosy and the metaphor of isolation, which Ngũgĩ deploys as literary tools to expose the exclusionary realities faced by the rural poor under the new nationalist regime. By centering leprosy—historically marked by stigma, ostracism and bodily decay—as a symbolic condition of the Kenyan peasantry, Ngũgĩ constructs a visceral metaphor for the systemic marginalisation, neglect and disposability of subaltern lives in the postcolonial state. The novel's setting in the once-isolated village of Ilmorog, and its transformation into a commercial hub, underscores the erosion of communal values and the violent incorporation of the rural underclass into a global capitalist economy. Through the intertwined lives of Munira, Abdulla, Wanja and Karega, Ngũgĩ presents the slow unravelling of post-independence hopes, offering leprosy not merely as a disease of the body but as a moral and economic affliction inflicted on the nation's most vulnerable. Those touched by or associated with leprosy in the text become emblems of social invisibility and exclusion, mirroring how national development narratives isolate and devalue those outside the circuits of wealth and power.

Content

This paper interrogates how Ngũgĩ's Petals of Blood deploys leprosy as an allegorical device to map the psychosocial geography of exclusion in a postcolonial African context. Drawing on the postcolonial theory, medical humanities and African allegorical traditions, the analysis foregrounds how Ngũgĩ links disease with dislocation, affliction with alienation and bodily decay with national corruption. Postcolonial thinkers such as Frantz Fanon, Edward Said and Achille Mbembe offer critical frameworks for understanding the layered implications of leprosy in the novel. Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1961) exposes how colonial violence lingers in post-independence alienation and class betrayal, while Said's Orientalism (1978) elucidates the ideological work of exclusionary discourses masked as progress. Mbembe's theory of necropolitics (2003) is particularly illuminating, as it highlights how modern states determine who is permitted to live and who may be socially or economically abandoned—a logic reflected in Ngũgĩ's depiction of the leprous and destitute. Within the interdisciplinary lens of medical humanities, leprosy in Petals of Blood becomes a marker of social pathology—a metaphor for the ethical and structural failures of Kenya's ruling class. Scholars such as Jonathan M. Metzl (2019) and Anne Whitehead (2020) argue that illness in literature often operates as a symbolic language for articulating broader political and moral crises. Ngũgĩ leverages this symbolic potential to show how the leprous body reflects a sickened nation-state, and how the literal and figurative isolation of certain communities mirrors their structural exclusion from power and progress. Moreover, the novel's narrative technique reinforces this metaphorical isolation. Characters such as Munira, who retreats into spiritual moralism, and Karega, who wrestles with the betrayal of revolutionary ideals, illustrate the ideological fragmentation and internal isolation that plague postcolonial leadership. Meanwhile, Wanja's body—sexually commodified and ultimately broken—becomes a metaphor for the exploitation of land, labour and femininity under neo-colonial capitalism. In this way, isolation is not only a physical or geographical state but a psychological and social condition—a disconnection from community, from justice, and from the very promise of independence. Petals of Blood thus becomes a powerful allegorical narrative where leprosy embodies exclusion, and isolation becomes a central metaphor for the lived experience of the oppressed. The novel challenges readers to confront the violence of development, the duplicity of nationalist discourse, and the lingering specter of colonial hierarchies.

Conclusion

Ngũgĩ's novel employs the metaphor of leprosy to expose the deep-rooted socio-economic exclusions that persist in post-independence Kenya. The narrative presents leprosy not merely as a medical condition but as an allegory for marginalization, betrayal, and systemic injustice. The novel illustrates how those afflicted—whether physically, economically, or socially—are pushed to the fringes of society, much like lepers were historically isolated. The struggles of characters like Abdulla, whose war-time sacrifices are forgotten, and the rural poor of Ilmorog, who remain excluded from national prosperity, demonstrate the continued alienation of the most vulnerable in a neo-colonial state. The findings of this study reveal that the novel transforms disease into a metaphorical register through which national betrayal, moral decay, and structural neglect are powerfully critiqued. The novel positions illness not just as bodily affliction but as a narrative device to illuminate the persistent inequities that define Kenya's postcolonial reality. Beyond the text, this analysis contributes to broader discussions in African literature regarding the representation of illness as a socio-political critique. African writers frequently use disease as a metaphor to reflect national decay, corruption, and economic disparity, as seen in works by Ayi Kwei Armah, Ben Okri, and Tsitsi Dangarembga. Ngũgĩ's use of leprosy thus aligns with a larger literary tradition that challenges post-colonial governments and their failure to address systemic inequalities. Furthermore, his blending of oral traditions, folklore, and colonial medical discourse underscores the need for an alternative, more community-centered approach to understanding affliction—one that acknowledges both physical suffering and the socio-economic conditions that exacerbate it. Future research could further explore the intersections between illness, literature, and social justice in African narratives. Comparative studies might examine how different diseases—such as HIV/AIDS in contemporary African fiction—are similarly used to critique socio-political failures. Additionally, deeper engagements with medical humanities could illuminate how African storytelling traditions offer unique insights into healing, resilience, and resistance. As African nations continue to grapple with issues of poverty, inequality, and public health crises, literature remains a powerful tool for exposing injustices and envisioning alternative futures.

References

Adichie, C. N. (2006). Half of a Yellow Sun. Alfred A. Knopf. American Society for Microbiology. (2021). Leprosy: The Separating Sickness. Retrieved December 4, 2024, from https://www.asm.org Armah, A. K. (1968). The Beautyful Ones Are not yet Born. Houghton Mifflin. Armah, A. K. (1969). Fragments. Houghton Mifflin. Bastos, C. (2017). Leprosy: Disease, Isolation, and Segregation in Colonial Mozambique. História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos, 24(1), 15–34. Retrieved November 15, 2024, from https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov Dangarembga, T. (1988). Nervous Conditions. The Women's Press. Dangarembga, T. (2020). This Mournable Body. Faber & Faber. Eze, O. (2023). Crossroads: Leprosy, Igbo Cosmology and Cultural Worldviews. Africa. 93(1), 123–145. Retrieved December 3, 2024, from https://www.cambridge.org Fanon, F. (1961). The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press. Jenga, F. (2023). Colonial Medicine and Leprosy in Uganda: Interrogating the Creation of Bwama Island and BulubaLeprosy 'Camps'. S. Marschall (Ed.).Islands of Extreme Exclusion. Brill, 27–43. Mbembe, A. (2003). 'Necropolitics'. Public Culture. 15(1), 11–40. Metzl, J. M. (2019). Dying of Whiteness: How the Politics of Racial Resentment is Killing America's Heartland. Basic Books. Ngũgĩ waThiong'O. (1977). Petals of Blood. Heinemann. Ochiai, T. (2022). Leprosy Control in Colonial Nigeria: A Historical Overview. Sophia Journal of Asian, African and Middle Eastern Studies.40, 1–32. Retrieved January 4, 2025, from https://researchmap.jp Okri, B. (1991). The Famished Road. Jonathan Cape. Osundare, N. (1986). The Eye of the Earth. Heinemann Educational Books. Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. Pantheon Books. Soyinka, W. (1965). The Road. Oxford University Press. Soyinka, W. (1971). Madmen and Specialists. Methuen. Whitehead, A. (2020). Medicine and Empathy in Contemporary British Fiction: An Intervention in Medical Humanities. Edinburgh University Press

Authors: Ekikereobong Aniekan Usoro

Email: ekikereobongusoro@gmail.com

Phone: 08083964949

Abstract

The fading green status of the Niger Delta has engendered the proliferation of literature by male and female writers across Nigeria over the last two decades. These writers have rummaged through the repository of solutions and emptied every possible formula into their oeuvres for the resolution of the many problems ravaging the oil-rich region. Among the various approaches deployed, this paper interrogates Arnold Udoka's non-polar gender approach to the postcolonial and ecological problems of the Niger Delta in Inyene and Rainbow over the Niger. Employing the theoretical underpinnings of Graham Huggan and Helen Tiffins's postcolonial ecocriticism, specifically the tenetthat environmental justice is proportionate to social justice, the analysis adopts a comparative research methodology to delineate how the playwright tackles the foremost problems of the Niger Delta, focusing on the all-inclusive gender mode of operation outlined in the selected plays. It is discovered that Udoka's plays strategically employ dialogue (in a non-dramatic literary genre sense) as a tool for social change, aiming to dismantle divisive polarities and promote inclusive solutions. The playwright further showcases the strength of constructive dialogue, advocating collaborative problem-solving between natives and multinational companiesand between men and women. Towards the end of the selected plays, gendered divisions are replaced by a shared commitment to environmental justice and economic equity. Essentially, Udoka's commitment to a non-polar gender approach, along with his emphasis on dialogue, is a seminal blueprint for advancing a more equitable and sustainable future in the Niger Delta and beyond.

Keywords

Postcolonial ecocriticism, gender equality, environmental justice, Niger Delta, Arnold Udoka

Introduction

Texts in the body of ecocritical literature are undeniably vital in their documentation of anthropogenic environmental degradation, but over the years, they have risked becoming a chronicle of ruin and a relentless litany of ecological decay. Although the insistent focus on deterioration is crucial for casting light on the urgency of planetary crises, it threatens to eclipse the inherent aesthetic and ontological richness of the natural world. Cheryll Glotfelty (1996) stresses that 'we have reached the age of environmental limits, a time when the consequences of human actions are damaging the planet's basic life support systems. Either we change our ways or we face global catastrophe …' (p.xx). Consequently, ecocriticism faces a potential hermeneutic imbalance where the poetics of ecological devastation overshadow the equally compelling narratives of nature's inherent beauty and restorative power.This is understandable because recent events have not been in favour of the ecosphere — eco-conscious Nigerian literature has not always been laced with ecocidal images, and this is evident in such poems as Gabriel Okara's 'The Call of the River Nun' where the poet's persona tells the river: 'I want to view your face/again and feel your cold/embrace' (Okara,1978, p.16).

Content

If the River Nun were desecrated, the persona would not yearn to 'inhale' its 'breath' (p.16). Unfortunately, years later, Ibiwari Ikiriko's 'Okara's Nun' reveals thatthe once 'Silver-surfaced / Nun' is now 'Crude-surfaced' (Ikiriko, 2000, p.25). To portray how almost useless the river has become, the persona says 'It lumbers / Reflecting nothing / Invoking nothing (Ikiriko, 2000, p.26).Thus, harbouring no sea creatures, the water can neither reflect, at least, nor serve as a conduit by which the gods and goddesses of rivers can be invoked. This shows a disconnection of the primal unityof the transcendental and physical domains, and this is mostly prompted by (the effects of) colonialism.One way or the other, virtually every literary scholar who has attempted the definition of literature has associated it with life and living, which means that whatever is projected in literary writings has ties to life, whether or not the subject of discourse harbours life or is alive itself. This extends to an expansive range of such entities as people, fictional personae, mountains, water bodies, plants, animals and geographical locations, including the Niger Delta which constitutes 'nine states, namely, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo,Imo, Ondo and Rivers' (Dele Babalola, 2014, p.119). The region poses paradoxes, some of which have been addressed by scholars within and beyond the Niger Delta. One such paradox lies in its position in Nigeria: 'While the region is oil-rich, it isalso the most marginalized and the least developed' (Oyeniyi Okunoye, 2008, p.414). In this regard, this region accommodating all South Southern states and a few South Eastern states defies the popular Biblical dictum that to whom much is given, much is expected. According to John Ejobowah (2000, p.33), 'Nigeria extracts about 93.1 millionmetric tons of oil annually from its soil to account for 2.9% of world production. TheNiger Delta and the sea gulf off its shores, which host over a dozen oil companies,produce what accounts for 80% of Nigeria's annual revenue'. The Niger Delta, therefore,presents an unsettling contradiction to the principle of commensurate responsibility, fuelling Nigeria's annual revenue yet marked by persistent underdevelopment. The ecological problem of the Niger Delta cannot be divorced from its economic problems, for as Benson Omojimite (2011, p.47) puts it, 'The economic life of the people of the Niger Delta is largely determined by their environment'. The dissonance where abundance translates into deprivationdoes not bespeak conventional notions of economic justice and resource distribution. It is out of place that the source of national prosperity (Niger Delta) is itself a victim of systemic neglect and a centre of pornography of poverty, with attempts to solve this problem being met with political harangues and aggressive suppression. As the hen that lays the golden eggs, the region's resources shouldcatalyse centrifugal development and joie de vivre, but they have spawned conflicts and contentions, (re)igniting grievances that have erupted into violence and instability. There is also the emergence of fine, flowery, and lush literature from an environment whose green and aquatic life are fading. This is what Joe Ushie (2006) spotlights in his submission that the 'Niger Delta literary landscape has continued to flourish even as its physical environment is wilting' (quoted in Okunoye, 2008, p.413) Despite man's status as the most intelligent creature using human-centric metrics, his existence is threatened by the depletion of his environment, for he cannot survive independently of other natural components, animate or inanimate. With literature, writers mirror society in their attempts to ignite change. Ecologically, they assume the responsibilities of an environmentalist by advocating the protection of the environment. Given the above, Friday Okon (2020), in his foreword to Onyeama's Journey with Me?, asserts that 'In the case of art and literature, from time immemorial, it has been at, and in the service of man and his environment, mirroring the beauty and the ugliness as well as the glories, and triumphs of man over the sordid details of his unwholesome and bleak environment' (p.vii).As opposed to the idea of representing only the ideal, Okon posits that the business of art and literature entails casting back reality, whether in its utopian or dystopian state. The reflection of the level of damage done and possible outcomes of inordinate activities like hydraulic fracturing creates awareness and reinforces the attempts to create an environment where the human and the inhuman 'can coexist, cooperate and flourish' (William Rueckert, 1978, p.107). In Niger Delta literature (which in this case means literature set in the Niger Delta and not literature by Niger Delta writers), authors of different genres have addressed issues ranging from the economic marginalisation of the Niger Delta to the 'deterioration of the environment through the depletion of resources such as air, water, and soil; the destruction of ecosystems and the extinction of wildlife' (Chiedu Mafiana et al, 2020, p.42). The damage 'occasioned by government and multinationals' (Paul Ugboma, 2015, p.76) in their quest to provide enough energy from natural resources and amass wealth for themselveshas altered the primeval serene state of nature, resulting in 'oil spills, blowouts, gas flares, and other forms of ecological despoliation' (Tanure Ojaide, 2013, p.vi). Before colonialism, communities in the Niger Delta had self-sufficient economies based on fishing, farming and local trade. In the wake of colonialism, these traditional systems were disrupted by reorienting the economy towards the extraction of raw materials for the benefit of the colonising power, and sustained decades after Nigeria's independence in 1960.The adoption of the merger between postcolonialism and ecocriticism as the theoretical framework for this paper is not informed solely by the imbued postcolonial issues addressed therein, but also because ecocriticism was believed to be an 'offshoot of American studies' (Rob Nixon, 2005, p.234). And since postcolonialism rejected ecocritical concerns 'implicitly as, at best, irrelevant and elitist, at worst sullied by “green imperialism”' (Nixon, p.235), it is difficult to sacrifice one for the other, as 'openly antagonistic' (Susie O'Brien, 2009, p.1) as the two fields may appear, especially because African plays are involved here. Travis Mason (2012, p.105) notes that 'the first critical introduction to postcolonial ecocriticism is acollaborative effort by Graham Huggan and Helen Tiffin', and the duo asks: 'Is there any way of narrowing the ecological gap between coloniserand colonised, each of them locked into their seemingly incommensurable worlds?' (Huggan and Tiffin, 2015, p.2). This question signals the vast disparity in environmental impact and suffering between the historically colonising nations (the Global North) and the historically colonised nations (the Global South). As plays set in the Niger Delta, Udoka's Inyene and Rainbow over the Niger are a direct artistic representation of this 'ecological gap' thatdepict environmental devastation as a legacy of colonial and neocolonial resource extraction. This critical approach accommodates several aspects, but this paper is anchored to one of the tenets of postcolonial ecocriticism that there is no social justice without ecological justice (Huggan and Tiffin, 2010, p.39), a re-echo of Deane Curtin's (2005, p.7) submission that 'environmental justice, social justice, and economic justice … [are] parts of the same whole'. There are a myriad of both literature and literary critiques that engage discourse on the challenges crippling the Niger Delta. However, the approach used in tackling these problems is many times torn between male-authored narratives where male characters are the heroes that save the day, and female-authored texts where women champion the cause to prevent ecocide. Following the idea that 'All literature is propaganda' (George Orwell, 2009, p.37), Ekikereobong Usoro (2024) argues that 'The domain of gender studies is a saturated field that has lodged arguments about the “evil” nature of women by male writers and the “devilish” character of men by female writers' (p.38). This mode of representation is extant even in eco-conscious intercourse. And even at the level of literary criticism which, of course, is also art, critics have taken sides along gender lines in the representation of environmentalist ideas, using it as a form of propaganda to show how men or women are either marginalised or underrated. A case in point is Elizabeth Nyager's (2019, p.128) critique on how women in Onwueme's What Mama Said and Atta's Everything Good will Come are presented as 'environmental/psychological “Others” whose “bodies” have become the objects of social injustice in our own social domains of Nigeria'. This gender-based marginalisation is more problematic for Niger Delta women than men because they face subalternity on double sides — based on region and gender. In Methuselah's (2010) critique of Onwueme's Then She Said It, the playwright creates a female character who defies the traditional depiction of women in Nigerian plays as typically voiceless and servile.ArnoldUdoka, one of the finest writers from Akwa Ibom, has dedicated his literary brainchildren to the problems of the Niger Delta, approaching these problems with an all-gender inclusive approach which, although acknowledges the proclivity for marginalisation, embraces everyone, young and old, man and woman. An all-inclusive gender representation is not common in Niger Delta eco-literature as many writers more often than not focus on environmental justice so much that they do not pay attention to how gender-polarised their narratives are. Sequel to the belief that 'Women and nature have an old-age association, and affiliation that has persisted throughout culture, language, and history' (Carolyn Merchant, 2010, p.294), many texts, in their attempt to level patriarchal strictures and create an equal society, end up raising matriarchal structures, becoming the very problem they had sought to solve. Because 'literature should lead, not be led' (Dorothy Hall, 1941, p.397), Udoka uses his plays to encourage a non-polar gender approach to solving Niger Delta economic and ecological problems even in plays with eponymous characters like Inyene (the male protagonist) and Akon (the female protagonist). As a prolific writer, appraisals on Udoka's dramatic oeuvre within the context of the Niger Delta are not lacking, but these critiques keep their critical lens mostly on ecological issues, contributions of men to the cause, or the role of women in environmental justice. How Udoka balances the gender scale while simultaneously tackling issues of grave concern in the Niger Delta has been underexplored, and this essay examines the ways in which the playwright uses Inyene and Rainbow over the Niger to address the postcolonial ecocritical issues in Niger Delta without playing the gender-bias card. The comparative analysis methodology is used to distinguish the idiosyncratic features of the primary texts, even as they are both bound by the same gender approach. Udoka's All-Inclusive Gender Approach in Niger Delta Discourse The aftermath of the discovery of oil has posed problems ranging from unemployment, environmental degradation, sexual exploitation and destruction of lives and property, among other things; a situation of 'oil boom that has become doom' (Sunny Awhefeada, 2013, p.96). Precious Ona (2009, p.35) affirms this when she posits that 'The Delta's oil economy has generated several moral contradictions'. Most Nigerian ecocritical literary texts often show the degeneration that has struck the once serene and green environment of the Niger Delta. In Udoka's Inyene, for instance, Priest (one of the major characters) highlights the fact that the people were happy before the introduction of oil-related activities into the community: We were a very happy people until one day, a strange and violent tide swept from the depths of the ocean to our shores. None of us knew what type of dam to build to stem that tide. …Where then do I as a priest appease our gods? In the water or on the land? It is now a curse to claim Bawkeng as a homeland. The pain in our souls degenerated into fear, indignation, poverty and death? Who invoked this despoliation on our land? (Udoka, 2009, p.23). Priest contrasts the prelapsarian harmony of the community with the catastrophic disruption caused by external exploitative forces occasioned by colonialism. Before the arrival of this 'strange and violent tide', the community was integrated with its environment, living in a state of ecological and social equilibrium, which is central to postcolonial ecocriticism. The initial state of the environment was characterised by traditional practices that respected the balance of the ecosystem. The sudden and devastating arrival of the tide signals a shift that triggered the anger of the gods over the intrusion of exploitative activities (reckless industrialisation and resource extraction) which have tampered with marine life. That no one could tell how to contain the tide underscores the community's vulnerability and lack of preparedness in the face of this unprecedented ecological assault. The community's traditional relationship with the natural world has been disrupted, a relationship the priest does not know how to restore. He is unable to find a place to appease the gods, and this demonstrates the complete breakdown of the community's connection to their environment. Members of Bawkeng community who are purely farmers and fishermen engage in agricultural activities and fishing respectively, but with the discovery of oil in the region, the activities of oil explorers mar than make lives. This also manifests in Udoka'sRainbow over the Nigerwhere oil spillage destroys their source of livelihood and has led to protest and agitation, compelling Ekpawd's lament: 'My people protest the environmental impact of oil prospecting, exploration, drilling and spillages, which have reduced everything around us to nothingness; and this includes our lives! Yes, a lot of money is derived from crude oil, but where are the dividends among my people?' (Udoka, 2010, p.25). The fact that the people are not compensated even when enough profit is made off crude oil goes on to show the insensitivity of multinational companies and capitalists in the Niger Delta. The menace of pollution that is presented in the text is very alarming, as it causes total damage to the vegetation that it covers. This is illustrated by Ekpawd when he wonders: 'Fishing is the only trade most of us in the creeks learned from childhood. Today, we can barely feed our families. Must our growing men and women turn to petty stealing or robbery for survival?' (Udoka, 2010, p.26). Hence, environmental degradation affects man since he is also a part of nature. As indicated in Ekpawd's statement, because man has polluted the environment and his means of survival have been deprived of him, he is tempted to use other means to survive, whether fair or foul. Thus, the result of man's tragedy-inflicting activity is not limited to the dangers it poses but the vices it breeds in society. Beyond ecological damage, the occurrence of pollution also contributes to food poisoning and poses adverse health challenges to people. Ekpawd asks: Farming? Even the farmlands are dotted with septic sores. Let it be known here that our soil now kills every seed that is unfortunate to find itself beneath it. My people die in scores daily because of the poisonous fumes from gas flaring. Is all this not a recipe for famine and genocide? (Udoka, 2010, p.27). The lives of the people are at stake for two reasons: they die either because of the emission of poisonous fumes/dangerous gases into the air which is detrimental to their health or because the two main occupations of the people — fishing and farming — have been denied them due to the fact that fishes have been killed or forced to migrate, while the soil has been contaminated enough to kill whatever is planted. To worsen the situation, the people are supposed to endure whatever danger they face without protesting — peaceful demonstrations by the people are met with arrest and police brutality as Ekpawd affirms: 'Only last week, five young men were arrested for attempting to ask for a review of the policies of the oil explorers. The week before, six men were imprisoned for protesting against slavery in their fatherland' (Udoka, 2010, p.27). Consequently, the people die in silence because they are not meant to fight for their lives; because whatever problems they have, irrespective of how disastrous they are, must be endured even at the cost of their lives. Udoka also clarifies that what befalls a community due to the activities carried out in such environments is aided and abetted by some community members who care only about how much they can gain from such exploitations to the detriment of many others. One of the characters in Udoka's Inyene who plays the role of an engineer claims that the effects of oil spillage are no one's fault and not a big deal. He boldly assures that 'there are other waters for the natives to fish. There are other lands for the natives to till. The oil flows well. That's all I need. To make my money…' (Udoka, 2009, p.26). However, this is a pointer to how myopic the people are sometimes, without taking into consideration what might be in the long term. Engineer is a representation of those who fail to understand that even if there are other wells, land, and water, it is only a matter of time before they also are despoiled. The tragedy that features the aftermath of environmental degradation is pinpointed in the play as Preba says: Young men. All we are asking for is our ancestral land, rivers and ocean. We must farm and go fishing. That's all we know here. We cannot die of hunger on our motherland! Is that too difficult for you and your master to understand? You have been given weapons to cut us down, but we have been given nothing except hunger, pain, diseases and poverty (Udoka, 2009,p.31). Thus, when water is polluted as a result of oil spillage, fishes die and fishermen surf the waters with nothing to go home with because the 'waters now are red from… carnage' (Udoka, 2009, p.29). The soil is also polluted, which causes infertility; plants cannot grow on such soil, and farmers have no good harvest after the planting season. Famine becomes a reality for the people, and some are forced into impoverishment. It must be noted here that it is not the extraction of natural resources that makes the land infertile and the waters inhabitable to sea creatures; it is man's unwillingness to control his activities that leads to the destruction of the physical environment. This is what the playwright reveals at the end of the play. If oil rigging were the bane of people's existence in Bawkeng community, the resolution at the end of the play would have featured the excommunication of Adam (the White man) and his company from the community. The problem, as noted by Inyene, is in 'the way and manner you [Adam] throw your waste on them. That's all! We must find solutions to these mishaps and poverty' (Udoka, 2009, pp.50-51). Thus, containing the damages in the Niger Delta situation does not necessarily mean shutting down oil rigging companies, but requires setting up effective waste management control systems, adequate pipeline repair systems, abstinence from oil theft which leads to oil spillage, and oil bunkery surveillance systems. With a social justice system in place, ecological justice can be realised. Natural resources are blessings that are meant to improve man's standards of living, but when extracted with levity and carelessness, they become a curse. As stated earlier, both men and women are equally engrossed in the fight for environmental justice in Udoka's approach to solving some of the recurring problems of the Niger Delta. In fact, although the play has a male eponymous protagonist, it is Preba and Preye, two female characters, who pay the ultimate price with their lives. At Preba's death, Priest says: 'She it was, who told us that our natural wealth should never be allowed to become our permanent curse. It seems that is the case now, for the land of Bawkeng is at the twilight of its life. You see, ...we have strangely become refugees on our motherland' (Udoka, 2009, p.35). It is contradictory that a region endowed with abundant resources, primarily oil, has become synonymous with environmental devastation and human suffering. The situation now appears to be a 'permanent curse' because of its persistence for decades. The Niger Delta has shown signs of terminal decline, indicated by the use of the 'twilight' which suggests a gradual yet inexorable decline. This region is marked by alienation and displacement experienced by the indigenous populations of the Niger Delta. In Ikiriko's 'The Palm and the Crude', the persona states that crude oil 'Was of us / But by them / And with them' (Ikiriko, 2000, p.32). Analogously, the characters in Udoka's Inyene are now 'refugees on . . . [their] homeland' (2009, p.35). The condition where people are rendered homeless in their ancestral lands underscores the marginalising impact of environmental destruction on cultural identity and social cohesion, stressing the forced migration and displacement that often accompany resource extraction, transforming once-sprightly communities into enclaves of despair. It is the misuse of oil wealth, not the oil wealth itself, which has resulted in the depleting condition of the ecosphere, and the conversation between a worker and the foreman demonstrates this: FOREMAN: Hold it tight, hold it tight Keep the elbow tight Spill no oil now No, no errors now. WORKERS: We will do our best… Over here Something has gone wrong If master sees, I will be sacked. FOREMAN: What? You've spilled the oil? WORKERS: Not my fault Pipes don't think (Udoka, 2009, pp.24-25). The indifference on the part of Engineer shows one of the root causes of the problem — when he is told that oil is flowing 'on the ground, on the water, and the farmland' (p.26), he says it is 'no one's fault' and 'no big deal' (p.26). The levity with which Engineer addresses such a grave situation aggravates environmental degradation. He circumnavigates his life around making money, notwithstanding the negative consequences. Not dismissing incompetent workers is another problem, because even when told to hold it tight, the worker claims that 'it is a tough job'. If companies employ workers based on merit to handle the job, there would be minimal occurrences of oil spillage since they would be competent enough to hold pipeline 'elbows' and not accuse pipelines of not thinking when the damage has been done. The degeneration that has struck the characters has culminated in protest and demonstration, and they use resistance to fight against those who have destroyed the land and water. For Tony Bennett(1998, p.171), resistance is 'an essentially defensive relationship to cultural power that is adapted by subordinate social forces in circumstances where the forms of cultural power in question arise from a source that is clearly experienced as external or internal'. Udoka uses his play to affirm Foucault's (1982, p.782) submission that 'the struggles against forms of domination and exploitation have not disappeared'. In Inyene, it is evident that the struggle for what is right knows no gender — both genders should play active and significant roles in fighting for the right cause. Preba is seen spearheading the protest with words that spur the women into action: 'Since our men have turned to worms and cannot stand the sight of guns, it is now our duty to redeem this land' (p.31). Here, the weak/fragile feature of worms is used to describe the men of Bawkeng who cower at the sight of guns. The women are willing to protest in the face of armed men who could end their lives with the pull of the trigger. Preba's charge to the women and snide remark against men serve as the playwright's honest inclusions which acknowledge the tendency for polarisation between men and women. This initial setup is not Udoka's way of bolstering it but painting a realistic portrait of how things are in the Niger Delta within the context of gender discourse. Preba charges the Foreman to tell his father, Timi, that the whole village is sad because 'of his greed. Like a tornado, he has invoked destruction on our land. The shark that he is, our waters are now red from his carnage. The toad that invokes the rain must be drenched by the rain' (Udoka, 2009, p.29). Preba uses the destructive feature of a tornado to describe Timi's actions that support inhumane activities in Bawkeng. Like a tornado, his actions leave destruction as a legacy. This is a spinoff from the proverb about the toad used by Preba to affirm that actions have repercussions; evil begets evil, and goodness begets goodness. Nonetheless, the protest and demonstration by the women evolve into violence, which leads tothe death of some of the members of Bawkeng. Since the protesters would not yield to the resisting voice of the guards and vice versa, what starts as a peaceful protest and demonstration erupts into violence. Before this happens, the playwright gives an insight into the build-up of events: '(They [the natives] keep vigil at the foot of the gas flaring pit until two fishermen enter with soiled fishing nets. One of the fishermen becomes sick all over the floor, convulses and dies) (Udoka, 2009, p.28). Not only does the degradation of the environment cause infertility, but it is also hazardous to health. This stirs the women into violence, and as 'the women stealthily encircle the armed men… PREBA launches towards the door to the ENGINEER's office, but she is manhandled by the guards. The shouts and cries of the women fall on deaf ears. She is severely beaten up and shot, and life slowly ebbs out of her to the consternation of the crowd' (Udoka, 2009, p.34).Udoka's narrative choice to give Preba, a woman, such a strong role demonstrates that he does not reinforce traditional gender roles by presenting men as natural leaders or women as those who should be relegated to the background. Instead, he shows that both genders are capable of strengths and weaknesses and that all have a role to play in the fight for social and ecological justice...(Download full article below)

Conclusion

Arnold Udoka's dramatic works examined in this paper are evidently rooted in the socio- ecological realities of the Niger Delta, projecting the region's struggles against environmental degradation and economic exploitation. Central to Udoka's artistic vision is the strategic deployment of dialogue within a dialogic literary genre, not as a literary device but as an instrument for social transformation. Through carefully crafted exchanges, he dismantles the rigid polarities that often hinder progress, advocating an inclusive approach that transcends gender divisions and fosters collaborative solutions. The plays, in their dealings with conflict and resolution, underscore the importance of dialogue both in the confrontation between protesters and oil companies, and in the internal struggles between men and women within the affected communities. Inyene suggests that the oil companies which are often perceived as monolithic entities are not impervious to reason. Rainbow over the Niger focuses more on the gendered dynamics of the struggle, further reinforcing Udoka's commitment to inclusivity. The initial exclusion of women from the fight for environmental justice that was rooted in patriarchal assumptions and exclusionary practices mirrors the divisive tendencies that often undermine collective action. However, the playwright's interventionpresents a counter-narrative where men and women engage in open dialogue, confronting their prejudices and reaching a consensus. The dialogue issubsequently marked by mutual respect and recognition of shared interests, culminating in a unified front and demonstrating the transformative power of collaborative action. Udoka, in this context, advocates a paradigm shift where gendered divisions are replaced by a shared commitment to environmental justice and economic equity. His plays, therefore, build bridges, forge sustainable solutions, and empower inclusivity to reclaim agency and chart a course towards environmental restoration and economic prosperity. Udoka's commitment to a non-polar gender approach provides a blueprint for advancing a more equitable and sustainable future in the Niger Delta and beyond.

References

Awhefeada, S. (2013). 'Degraded Environment and Destabilised Women in Kaine Agary's Yellow-Yellow.' O. Okuyade (Ed.). Eco-critical Literature: Regreening African Landscapes.African Heritage Press, 95-108. Babalola, D. (2014). 'The Underdevelopment of Nigeria's Niger Delta Region: Who is to Blame?'Journal of Sustainable Development.7(3), 118-128. Bennett, T. (1998).Culture: A Reformer's Science. Allen &Unwin. Curtin, D. (2005). Environmental Ethics for a Postcolonial World. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Ejobowah, J. (2000). 'Who Owns the Oil? The Politics of Ethnicity in the Niger Delta of Nigeria.' Africa Today.47(1), 29-47. Foucault, M. (1982). The Subject and Power. Critical Inquiry. 8(4), 777–795. Glotfelty, C. (1996). Introduction: Literary Studies in an Age of Environmental Crisis. C. Glotfelty and H. Fromm (Eds.). The Ecocriticism Reader: Landmarks in Literary Ecology. University of Georgia Press, xv-xxxvii. Hall, D. (1941). The Function of Literature.The Antioch Review.1(3), 389-397. Huggan, G. and Tiffin, H. (2010). Postcolonial Ecocriticism: Literature, Animals, Environment. Routledge. Huggan, G. and Tiffin, H. (2015). Postcolonial Ecocriticism: Literature, Animals, Environment 2nd ed. Routledge. Ikiriko, I. (2000). Oily Tears of the Delta. Kraft Books Limited. Kerridge, R. (2006).'Environmentalism and Ecocriticism.' P. Waugh (Ed.).Literary Theory and Criticism: An Oxford Guide.Oxford University Press, 530-543. Mafiana, C., Jayeola, O., and Iduseri, E. (2022). 'Impact of Environmental Degradation on Biodiversity Conservation in Nigeria.' The Zoologist.20, 41-50. Mason, T. (2012). Graham Huggan and Helen Tiffin, Postcolonial Ecocriticism: Literature, Animals, Environment. Commonwealth Essays and Studies.34(2), 105-106. Merchant, C. (2010). 'Feminism and the Philosophy of Nature.' D. Keller (Ed.). Environmental Ethics: The Big Questions. Blackwell Publishing Limited, 291-300. Methuselah, J. (2010). 'Engendering Women in Onwueme's Drama: Then She Said It Discussed.' Nigerian Theater Journal. 4(7), 112-128. Mowarin, M. (2013). 'Poetics of Environmental Agitation: A Stylistic Reading of Hope Eghagha's Rhythms of the Last Testament and The Governor's Lodge and other Poems.' In O. Okuyade (Ed.).Eco-critical Literature: Regreening African Landscapes. African Heritage Press, 215-237. Nixon, R. (2005). 'Environmentalism and Postcolonialism.' A. Loomba, S. Kaul, M. Bunzl, A. Burton, J. Esty (Eds.).PostcolonialStudies and Beyond.Duke University Press, 233-251. Nyager, E. 2019. 'Women's Bodies Serving Environmental/Social (In)-Justice.' Nigeria Theatre Journal: A Journal of the Society of Nigeria Theatre Artists. 19(3), 128-137. O'Brien, S. (2009). 'Postcolonial Ecocriticism: Literature, Animals, Environment by Graham Huggan and Helen Tiffin.' Postcolonial Text.5(4), 1-3. Ojaide, T. (2013).'Foreword.' O. Okuyade (Ed.).Eco-critical Literature: Regreening African Landscapes. African Heritage Press, v-viii. Okara, G. (1978). The Fisherman's Invocation. Heinemann. Okon, F. (2020). 'Foreword.' L. Onyeama, Journey with Me? ACC Press, vi-viii. Okunoye, O. (2008). 'Alterity, Marginality and the National Question in the Poetry of the Niger Delta. Cahiers D'etudes Africaines. 3(191), 413-436. Omojimite, B. (2011). 'The Economic Dimensions of the Niger Delta Ethnic Conflicts.'African Research Review. 5(22),46-55. Ona, P. (2009, August 27). 'Beyond Nigerian Nightmare.' The Nation, 35. Orwell, G. (2009). All Art is Propaganda. Mariner Books. Rueckert, W. (1978). Literature and Ecology: An Experiment in Ecocriticism. Iowa Review.9(1), 71-86. Sheila, R. (1980). Issues in Feminism: A First Course in Women Studies. Houghton Mifflin Company. Udoka, A. (2009). Inyene: A Dance Drama. Kraft Books Limited, 2009. Udoka, A. (2010). Rainbow over the Niger. Kraft Books, 2010. Ugboma, P. (2015). 'Environmental Degradation in Oil Producing Areas of Niger Delta Region, Nigeria: The Need for Sustainable Development.' International Journal of Science and Technology. 4(2), 75-85. Ushie, J. (2006). 'The Challenges of the Creative Writer in the Niger Delta.' The Ker Review: A Journal of Nigerian Literature. 2(1/2), 9-14. Usoro, E. (2024). '“All Art is Propaganda”: The Politics of Gender (Mis)Representation in Kuku's and Ugonna's Dialogic Narratives.' International Journal of Art and Art History. 12, 37-46.

Authors: Ekikereobong Aniekan Usoro

Email: ekikereobongusoro@gmail.com

Phone: +2348083964949

Abstract

The transitory nature of critical practice does not grant literary approaches the licence to remain in stasis, and the corpus of postcolonialism in its broad spectrum takes no exception. Although counter-discursivity is the elixir that gave postcolonialism its golden cast, non-counter-discursive conceptual frameworks have been devised by critics to bear the burden of present-day postcolonial desiderata. Drawing upon postcolonial literary theory, Quayson's divergent conceptualisation of postcolonialism and Oyewumi Agunbiade's concept of inverted disillusionment, the paper adopts the qualitative content analysis methodology and purposive sampling method to interrogate postcolonialism within and beyond the primal threshold of counter-discourse using nine poems in Joe Ushie's Yawns and Belches. Cognizant of the postcolonial motifs which the aforementioned poetry collection is replete with, the paper argues that the heavy presence of non-counter-discourse does not deny its eligibility in the canon of postcolonial literature. Furthermore, it reinforces the notion of inverted disillusionment to argue for the collective complicity of the masses against the decade-long belief that the sheer source of socio-political decay in Africa is the African leader. This deceptive conviction absolves the egoistic citizens of their vicious partnership with egomaniacal leaders who plunge the people to disturbing depths. Having highlighted lucid illustrations culled from Ushie's Yawns and Belches, the paper concludes that the degenerated postcolonial status of Africa is not merely a product of the activities of the West or African political elite at the top stratum but also driven and sustained by the masses who offer themselves as expendable tools for the disruption of principles that should ensure political sanity.

Keywords

Postcolonialism, Counter-discoursivity, Joe Ushie's Poetry, Yawns and Belches, Non-counter-discoursivity

Introduction

While postcolonialism may appear to be an easily and finely knitted academic study, the evolutionary status of critical practice has revealed frays that must be timely stitched. From among the many contemporary Nigerian poetry collections that have addressed post(- )colonial issues, Joe Ushie's Yawns and Belches stands as one of the best exemplars in demonstrating the transition that has perforated postcolonialism from counter-discourse to non-counter-discourse even with the arrangement of poems in the collection. With fewer poems on counter-discourse and more poems on non-counter-discourse, Ushie emphasises the fact that postcolonialism can retain its postcoloniality even without wrapping its entire existence and essence around the interaction between the First World and the Third World. The principles that define a literary theory are rarely constant as critics modify existing tenets to accommodate the dynamics of changing critical relations. This submission is corroborated by Brannigan (1998) who contends that 'Literary theories and critical practices are always in transition, because they are always in history, always subject to change and constantly being revised and reused' (p.219). The aggregation of postcolonialism is not exempted from these modifying possibilities although certain conclusions have apparently been made as to what defines postcolonial literature and postcolonial criticism. Some of the issues pioneering the problematic divide of this field of critical practice are captured by Biccum (2002) who avows that 'There is no consensus in the field of Postcolonial Studies either about its object of study or the terminology it uses to describe both itself and its various objects' since there have been several arguments regarding 'who is “postcolonial”, when is the “postcolonial”, and what it means to be “postcolonial” ' (p.34). These areas that are central to 'postcolonial' polemics have been addressed by critics through the years, and their submissions converge and diverge at certain nodes. However, the problems engulfing this theory are not limited to those identified by Biccum as there is also the problem of what morphologically constitutes the adjectival resultant of the word 'postcolonialism'. Quayson (2000) acknowledges its hyphenated and unhyphenated variants — 'post-colonial' and 'postcolonial' — noting that while the former is usually chronologically inclined, the latter is not.

Content

Within this context, 'post-colonial' is mostly used to indicate the period after imperialism while 'postcolonial' transcends chronological limitations as it could alternate the periods before, during, and after colonialism. It is in this regard that Gilbert and Tompkins (1996, p.4) write that postcolonialism 'is frequently misunderstood as a temporal concept, meaning the time after colonialism has ceased, or the time following the politically determined Independence Day on which a country breaks away from its governance by another state'. In this light, it is fallacious to only think of this concept from 1957 following Ghana's independence, or from 1960 within the context of Nigeria, or the period trailing 1961 in South Africa (or, by extension, 1994 when the African National Congress [ANC] won the first democratic election in the country). For Ashcroft et al. (2002), the term 'post-colonial' covers 'all the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day' (p.2). Their concept of postcolonial literature is then hinged on the node that connects colonialism and colonies/ex-colonies, concretised in their view that this literature engages the 'world as it exists during and after the period of European imperial domination and the effects of this on contemporary literatures' (p.2). In one of Quayson's explications of postcolonialism, this critical approach involves 'a studied engagement with the experience of colonialism and its past and present effects, both at the local level of ex-colonial societies as well as at the level of more general global developments thought to be the after-effects of empire' (p.2). Nonetheless, Quayson tackles the constricted stand by Ashcroft et al. on who the postcolonial is. For the trio, the postcolonial covers, among other countries, African countries, Caribbean countries, India, Pakistan, South Pacific Island countries, and the United States of America (Ashcroft et al., p.2). This view, for Quayson, overlooks the imperial position of the USA today solely because it was colonised by the British. Correspondingly, Quayson's conception of postcolonialism is not restricted to literature of former colonies. For him, it is mostly the content, and not the society of emergence, that defines postcolonial literature. The content of postcolonial literature is the most problematic, for while many argue that it must be counter-discursive, some have countered the counter-discursivity usually associated with postcolonialism. Ashcroft et al. assert that postcolonial literature is steeped in 'the tension with the imperial power, and by emphasizing their differences from the assumptions of the imperial centre. It is this which makes them distinctively post-colonial' (p.2), one that is tasked with the duty of 'revisiting, remembering and, crucially, interrogating the colonial past' (Gandhi, 2019, p.4). This stance parallels Kehinde's (2006, p.94) assertion that African postcolonial texts 'have become veritable weapons for dismantling the hegemonic boundaries and the determinants that create unequal relations of power, based on binary oppositions such as “Us” and “Them”; “First World” and “Third-World”; “White” and “Black”, “Colonizer” and “Colonized”'. According to him, the 'primary concern of most post-colonial African novelists is to salvage the history of their people that colonialism has manipulated' (p.94), the mark of counter-discourse. The effect of colonialism on the colonised is intergenerational, so intense it is that the 'post-imperial writers of the Third World therefore bear their past within them — as scars of humiliating wounds, as instigation for different practices, as potentially revised visions of the past tending toward a postcolonial future …' (Said, 1994, p.212).

Conclusion

The poet's personality as a revolutionary compels him to use his collection of poems to chastise the political elite who oppress the masses and the masses who offer themselves as soldiers of fortune, also demonstrating how the West has replaced colonialism with imperialism. The status of postcolonialism as it is today is a product of generational mutations modified to accommodate contemporary issues, one that began solely as a counter-discursive approach which was marked by writing back to the Centre. Over time, the concept of postcolonial disillusionment where African leaders are projected solely as the bane of the postcolonial degradation the continent reeks of was devised. This paper, however, has used inverted disillusionment, a more recent conceptual framework in postcolonial studies, to argue for the collective complicity of the masses. Electoral violence, for instance, cannot be effectively executed without the masses conceding to the whims and caprices of the political elite who are bent on amassing wealth for themselves. These issues have prickled the lives of Africans and have caused them to come to terms with the fact that the hope of a near-utopian life they envisaged at the departure of colonisers has so far become a mere wish and daydream. Nevertheless, with concrete illustrations drawn from Ushie's Yawns and Belches, the degenerated postcolonial status of Africa is not merely a product of the activities of the West or African political elite at the top stratum but also driven and sustained by the masses who offer themselves as expendable tools for the disruption of principles that should ensure political sanity.

References

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Authors: Imikan N. Nkopuruk

Email: nkopuruk@gmail.com

Phone: +2347080030792

Abstract

As effective means of communication and a repository of cultural knowledge, proverbs are an essential component of Annang oral tradition. The rich proverbial content of Uko Akpan's song provides a distinctive way to examine how context and pragmatic acts interact in Annang discourse. Even while proverbs have been studied, little is known about their practical use in traditional music, especially among the Annang people. As a result, this study examined how proverbs in Uko Akpan's music are interpreted by context and what it means for language acquisition. The research used a case study design and a qualitative methodology. Pragmatic Act Theory was used to evaluate twenty (20) Annang proverbs that were purposefully chosen from Uko Akpan's music. The process of gathering data included interviewing Annang elders for validation, song lyrics transcription and contextual analysis. The research shows that Annang proverbs in Uko Akpan's music have several practical uses, such as warning, advice, rebuking, and persuading. They reinforce values and conventions, and their meaning is firmly anchored in the sociocultural environment. The study also emphasizes the part music plays in bilingualism and language socialization. The study emphasizes how important it is to incorporate proverbs into language instruction in order to improve students' pragmatic proficiency and cultural awareness. It was suggested that in order to conserve indigenous languages and improve linguistic competency, educators should, among other things, provide multilingual resources, encourage music-based learning, and include Annang proverbs in their curricula.

Keywords

Annang Proverbs, Uko Akpan, Pragmatic Acts, Context, Language Education, Indigenous Knowledge

Introduction

Human communication relies heavily on language, which allows people to engage in certain cultural situations, express emotions and transmit meaning. Language, defined as a complex system of communication that encompasses spoken, written and gestural forms used by humans to convey meaning, create social bonds, and navigate cultural contexts (Ahmadu Lawal, 2017, p.639), serves as more than just a collection of words and grammatical rules. Beyond its grammatical and structural components, language serves as a dynamic instrument for meaning-making that is influenced by the social and cultural contexts of its users. Central to understanding how language functions in cultural contexts is the concept of pragmatics, which refers to the branch of linguistics that studies how context, speaker intention and social factors influence the interpretation and use of language in real communicative situations (George Yule, 2016, p.209). Pragmatics emphasises how language users accomplish specific communicative goals through interaction, going beyond the literal meaning of words to examining how meaning is constructed through social and situational contexts. Proverbs, defined as concise, traditional sayings that express widely accepted truths, moral lessons, or practical wisdom through metaphorical or figurative language (Wolfgang Mieder, 2004, p.284), are one manifestation of how language demonstrates its cultural richness. These brief, figurative statements capture the morals, knowledge and beliefs of a society, serving as repositories of collective wisdom passed down through generations. Many African communities have long used proverbs as oral literary techniques that serve both aesthetic and educational purposes, functioning as pragmatic tools that accomplish various communicative functions within specific cultural frameworks. The Annang people of Southern Nigeria use proverbs extensively in conversation, especially in traditional music genres like Uko Akpan. One distinctive feature of Annang oral music, Uko Akpan, is the extensive use of proverbs that are incorporated into songs to discuss social standards, uphold group values and address contemporary challenges. In addition to serving as language embellishments, these proverbs have practical purposes that are consistent with the sociocultural norms of the Annang people. Proverbs are pragmatic acts that fulfil a variety of communication functions, including warning, praise, reprimand and persuasion when used in the appropriate settings. The way that meaning and context interact in these sayings emphasises how crucial pragmatic activities are to comprehending language usage.

Content

Language is a tool that people use to traverse their social environments, create meaning and build connections. However, the study of pragmatics focuses on how listener perception, speaker intention and circumstance all influence meaning. Pragmatics stresses how language is utilised in interaction to accomplish communicative goals, in contrast to semantics, which deals with meaning in isolation. One of the key theories in this area is Pragmatic Act Theory (Jacob Mey, 2001, p.246), which builds on the classic Speech Act Theory (John Austin, 1962, p.212; John Searle, 1969, p.109) by emphasising the more comprehensive interactive processes of communication rather than discrete speech actions. This method is especially helpful for studying proverbs, which frequently get their meaning from both their literal content and the social and cultural settings in which they are utilised. The Pragmatic Act Theory suggests that language users participate in pragmatic acts, which are intricate linguistic actions impacted by context, speaker purpose and listener expectations, rather than only producing single speech acts like requests, demands or affirmations. According to Jacob Mey (2001, p.290), language is essentially situated, which means that depending on the situation, a single utterance can have a variety of purposes. Given that meaning is jointly created by performers and audiences in culturally diverse contexts, this viewpoint is extremely pertinent to the study of Annang proverbs in Uko Akpan songs. The interpretation of proverbs in this context is based on common knowledge within the Annang community and may be used for a variety of communication purposes, including entertainment, admonishing, persuasion and instruction. As a type of oral literature, proverbs are ingrained in African nations' communication customs. In a variety of social contexts, they act as conduits for the dissemination of knowledge, the upholding of cultural standards and the formation of discourse. African proverbs, according to scholars like Akin Odebunmi (2008, p.209), Michael Ndiribe (2020, p.730), Femi Unuabonah and Suleiman Akinwotu (2025, p.55) and Akin Odebunmi (2021, p.15), are powerful pragmatic tools that improve communication by utilising collective cultural knowledge. In order to properly understand the intended meaning of proverbs, speakers and listeners must rely on common experiences, historical allusions and cultural insights, according to these academics. A saying like "A child who does not listen to the sound of the drum will dance out of rhythm" illustrates the negative effects of disregarding knowledge or counsel. However, how and when this adage is applied determines its entire significance. The social context and the identities of the performer and the intended audience accentuate the significance of a song that is sung during an Uko Akpan performance to chastise a misbehaving young person. The study of Annang proverbs in Uko Akpan songs is particularly important because it illuminates the ways in which traditional music functions as a site of pragmatic engagement and cultural transmission. This is in line with Adebayo Akande and Adams Mosobalaje (2014, p.43), who contend that the strategic deployment of proverbs in oral performances enhances audience engagement and reinforces the speaker's message. ([First Name] Bamgbose (2023, p.158) further explores how proverbs function as socially binding linguistic resources, allowing members of a community to express values and resolve conflicts in non-confrontational ways through the use of proverbs in music. Even though African oral literature has a long history of proverbs, little is known about their practical application in musical contexts. Fewer studies have looked at the pragmatic roles that proverbs play in traditional music, despite the fact that many have studied their linguistic and literary features (Wale Adegbite, 2020, p.6; Akintunde Akinyemi, 2022, p.18). Furthermore, the Annang people have been frequently ignored in previous studies on African oral traditions, despite the fact that their proverbs and musical expressions are essential to comprehending Nigeria's larger linguistic environment. In order to close this gap, this study looks at how context affects the pragmatic actions used in Annang proverbs in Uko Akpan songs. It specifically looks at how these proverbs serve as practical deeds and considers the pedagogical implications of these sayings. In doing so, the study hopes to advance the disciplines of pragmatics, discourse analysis and indigenous language instruction. Review of Related Literature Uko Akpan as an Annang Man Through his musical, dancing and drumming practices, Chief Uko Akpan has created Ukokpan Music which is now recognised as a musical genre. Ukokpan music stands as one distinct musical genre. Dr. Uko Akpan Ekpo initiated his musical career in 1945 which extended through his final performance in December 2019 according to Victor Umanah (2014, p.17). Uko Akpan dedicated seven remarkable decades to his musical career. People often express appreciation to men after their death and to women only after they divorce according to traditional guidance. Before Uko Akpan died, he received massive appreciation from people throughout his 74-year singing career. Throughout his professional career, he received continual appreciation which followed him during every moment. When his fame reached its peak, he established himself as a popular entertainment option for major events organised by Akwa Ibom State Government and important figures in the state as well as other regions. The life work of the singer and balladist Uko Akpan along with his dancer, composer and oral poet roles has been thoroughly documented in recorded media and written press (Victor Umanah, 2014, p.22). These themes emerged in the artist's songs: oppression, religious bigotry, hypocrisy, immorality, politics, social, cultural alongside concerns about general human matters.

Conclusion

Studying Annang proverbs in Uko Akpan's songs provides significant understanding of Akwa Ibom language acquisition. Proverbs are more than simply words; they are symbols of moral principles, cultural knowledge, and effective communication techniques. This study highlights their function in fostering language ability beyond vocabulary learning by examining their pragmatic acts and contextual importance. Students who study these proverbs get a stronger comprehension of discourse patterns, metaphorical language, and the significance of cultural context in communication. This study's emphasis on pragmatic competence, which gives students the tools to use language effectively in a variety of situations, is one of its main contributions. The proverbs improve discourse abilities in both Annang and English by illuminating a variety of speech actions, including as persuasion, caution, encouragement, and social critique. Furthermore, by promoting bilingualism and linking local and international language patterns, proverbs strengthen the socialization process. Furthermore, including Annang proverbs into the curriculum guarantees language preservation and combats the linguistic deterioration brought on by industrialization. Through performance, narrative, and dramatization, Uko Akpan's music—a rich oral tradition—offers a captivating, immersive approach to education. A multilingual society that cherishes its linguistic legacy will be fostered by implementing these discoveries in schools, which will also provide students the communication skills they need in an increasingly interconnected world.

References

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Authors: Bassey Ekpenyong Bassey

Email: mailbassey@gmail.com

Phone: +2347033992703

Abstract

Notably, Nigerian theatre extends beyond its physical location to the virtual space, emerging as digital performances. A layer of mediated performances overlays this virtual environment and is reinforced in many ways. It is interesting to note that within these mediated performances, there are references to women which could be interpreted as misconceptions about perceived bias and prejudices against women. Leaning on this notion, this study seeks to explore the prevailing themes in Nigerian Digital performances and interrogate the extent of objectification and patriarchal bias that exist within the performances. Through the lenses of feminist criticism, cultural ideologies and theories of digital media, this paper critically examines some of these digital performances with regards to their portrayal of women and goes on to discuss contending realities that have shaped this portrayal. Findings of this study reveal that Mark Angel presents a form of objectification that posits that women are bound to internalise the society's perspective as a view of what their bodies should be, while Battabox objectifies the woman sexually and defines her as a commodity with a price tag; a description that aligns it with sexual objectification. It advocates that, in order to overcome the miscommunication regarding women, a more profound and radical 'spin' is needed, as women's competing desires and realities are contained within these created terrains. Additionally, the paper presents pragmatic alternatives for the biased digital signals that are portrayed in the virtual space.

Keywords

Digital performances, Feminism, Gender bias, Miscommunication, Objectification

Introduction

The arts of the theatre have grown beyond the traditional performance spaces because, like every other field, theatre has embraced the possibilities in technological innovations. However, the interface of theatre and technology has not invalidated earlier practices, rather the existing practices are made to interact with digital technology. Marshall McLuhan (2004) argues that a new medium 'is never an addition to an old one, nor does it leave the old one in peace; it never ceases to oppress the older media until it finds new shapes and positions for them' (p. 158). Just as the invention of television brought entertainment into the living room, internet facilities make digital performances possible and now the audience can consume theatrical products anywhere and anytime via internet-enabled devices. Digital performances are simply theatrical arts that are disseminated using internet applications and other replication technologies. It is one of the latest genres that have emerged in the arts. Dixon (2007) defines digital performance to include: All performance works where computer technologies play a key role rather than a subsidiary one in content, techniques, aesthetics, or delivery forms. This includes live theatre, dance and performance art that incorporates projections that have been digitally created or manipulated; robotic and virtual reality performances; installations and theatrical works that use computer sensing/activating equipment or telematics techniques; and performative works and activities that are accessed through the computer screen, including cybertheatre events, MUDs, MOOs and virtual worlds, computer games, CD-ROMs, and performative net.art works (p. 3). Some studies have shown the beneficial effects of taking theatre to the cyber space while others show a deterioration in the presentation and imaging of the woman. This paper examines female objectification as a form of gender bias which brings about miscommunication in Nigerian digital performances. It argues that these performances seem to cement patriarchal narratives while perpetuating women's subjugation, thereby making the woman an object of male gratification. Women in a variety of endeavours have received recognition for their efforts to accomplish remarkable life goals, but they still struggle to gain respect as human beings who can be the heroes of their own tales. In addition to the challenges that women confront, objectifying behaviours are being promoted through digital performances. Treating or dismissing women as commodities that can be acquired and discarded or presented as objects of manipulation at will is disrespectful to say the least. Some digital performances' storylines are patriarchal in nature, portraying women as objects in general. As a result, the way digital performances are portrayed based on gender demands careful consideration. Among other things, this paper argues that women's representation in the media ought to change as they are also key players in societal development and health and, on the other hand, is the role media products play in moulding societal focus. As noted by Ekpe & Wekpe (2023), “media products have proven [sic] valuable tools for engaging and analysing human concerns… they have been appropriately situated to reiterate viable communication messages. They have also been employed as veritable moments of propaganda” (130).

Content

Theatrical activities in Nigeria have been profoundly influenced by the operations of the virtual space. The changes are happening quickly and in a subtle way because of the ever-increasing number of internet users in Nigeria. Statistics from Statista as of October 2024 show that Nigeria tops the chart as the country with the highest number of internet users in Africa, with 108.27 million users; giving a reasonable gap to the second and third country which are Egypt (with 54.74 million users) and Kenya (with 46.87 million users). This figure is projected by Statista to grow to 152.28 in 2025. Further data by Statista reveal that internet usage penetration in Nigeria is on a steady rise, growing from 30% in 2013 to 32.6% in 2014 and then 34.8%, 37.1%, 40%, 43.1%, 61.4% and 46.6%, respectively, between 2014 and 2020. Still in line with reports on the huge number of internet users in Nigeria, DigitXplus (2024, p. 9) reports that Nigeria ranks 6th in the world for countries with the highest number of internet users. This is an indication that the virtual space is a striving concern for the Nigerian populace and a major destination for theatrical contents. Also, within the last two years, giant operators of the virtual space have made visits and effected business plans to encourage and further aid the growth of internet usage in Nigeria. Such include the visit of The Chief Executive Officer and Founder of social networking app – Facebook, Mark Zuckerberg, to Nigeria. ThisDay (2018) reports that the visit which was on the 30th of August, 2016, was Zuckerberg's first visit to Africa. Earlier in the year 2016, Facebook had announced that the population of Nigerians on Facebook was 16 million and, upon his visit, Zuckerberg announced that 'the figure has grown to 18 million and Nigeria still maintains its position as the largest market for Facebook in Africa'. Again in 2018, as stated by The Guardian, 'Facebook deepened its investment and commitment in Nigeria by unveiling the NG_Hub in Lagos, Nigeria, on the 22nd of May. It was its first flagship community hub space in Africa'. Still in line with activities that recognise the strength of internet usage in Nigeria and the possible growth opportunities for users of the virtual space, Channels Television (2018) reports that 'Tech giant, Google, has launched its free Wi-Fi service for Nigerians, the Google Station, in Ikeja, Lekki and other parts of Lagos'. Channels Television quoted the Google Nigeria Country Director, Juliet Ehimuan-Chiazor as saying that the developments are aimed at helping more Nigerians and Africans to benefit from the opportunities the web has to offer. Also, 'the free Wi-Fi service will be launched in 200 locations in five cities across Nigeria by the end of 2019'. All these are pointers that internet usage in Nigeria will keep growing and thus provide a sustained market for operators that utilise the internet. Review of Related Literature
Digital performance is not entirely a new phenomenon, but rather a morph from existing art forms. It represents the adaptation and evolving trend of older forms of theatrical activities that now produce an exciting experience. This expression supports the assertion that 'we are engaged in a transformation of the entire world (and ourselves) into mere raw materials or standing reserves' (Heidegger, 1977, pp. 155). Ekpe & Okoronkwor (2024) add that 'digital performance is pervasive and encompasses various presentational and communicational facets of electronic daily life' (p. 29). They add that 'beyond the concern for change in space experience, lies the contents promoted' (p. 29). Notably, theatre is embracing the rapidly evolving media and by moving to the cyber space, there seems to be more patronage as the reach is expanded to meet different needs and desires. Also, the appeal feature is heightened as the process of digitalisation creates enhanced representation of the contents. The concept of digital performance is a pertinent subject of interest and research due to the fact that digitalisation of performances is getting more and more popular. This explanation draws inference from the Mediamorphosis theory which states that new media do not arise spontaneously and independently; rather, the earlier forms of media tend to adapt and evolve continuously rather than die, they either morph from something that already exists or emerge gradually from the transformation. Mediamorphosis is 'the transformation of communication media usually brought about by the complex interplay of perceived needs, competitive and political pressures and social and technological innovation' (Fidler, 1997, pp. 22-23). The mediamorphosis theory recognises digitalisation as a main feature of the artistic communication and stresses its development as being important to the production, reproduction, distribution and reception of products. Fidler (1997, pp. 22-23) stresses that digitalisation has changed the way we manipulate texts, images and sounds. Blau (2025, pp. 23-25) acknowledges the tendency as well, arguing that theatrical practices are evolving into more favourably positioned forms and taking on a variety of shapes. He emphasises this point by outlining the distinctions between mediatised forms (digital performances) and live performances. He infers that both forms compete for audiences in the cultural marketplace, and that mediatised forms have gained the advantage with particular thanks to the features of technological innovations. In establishing the relationship between live theatre and mediated form, Blau (2025) states that: The theatre's status has been continually threatened by what Adorno named the culture industry and . . . the escalating dominance of the media. “Do you go to the theatre often?” That many have never gone, and that those who have, even in countries with established theatre traditions, are going elsewhere or, with cable and VCRs, staying home, is also a theatrical fact, a datum of practice (p. 76). Alongside its good aspects, digital performances are equally full of misrepresentations of women, which is a recurring subject. As entertaining, informing and widely distributed as it may be, there seems to exist an obvious gender bias because the performances tend at some time to objectify female characters and at other times pass generalised judgment on women. The objectification and commodification of the woman's body in digital theatrical performances reflect a norm and appear to sustain a culture that abuses woman's sexuality. On the other hand, the woman's body has become a trophy used by some artists to place themselves in the spotlight. This study leverages on the concept of technological determinism which advocates that a society's technology defines the development of its social structure and cultural values. In this context, the objectification of women via the media showcases the patriarchal placement of women in society, while at the same time encourages the widespread of such placement. The treatment of women depicted in a society's media can influence the developmental imperatives of such society. This appears to be in line with Karl Marx's perception that changes in technology affect social relations and organisational structure, and that social relations and cultural practices ultimately centre on a society's economic and technological foundation. As society develops 'new production forces like technology, material life and class order become mutable' (Eze, 2014, p. 70). Relatively, technology is seen as the basis for all human activities, it is believed that technology is the key governing force in society (Smith & Marx, 1994, p. 174). The media is a very powerful and explicit determinant, and our use of particular media may have subtle effect on us (McLuhan, 2004, p. 158). The view above explains the trend and possible effect contents of digital performances are likely to evoke especially as they record widespread involvement and keep growing at an alarming rate. The increase is adjudged by the number of content providers emerging in the digital performance field...(Download full article below)

Conclusion

A significant part of artist marketing and promotion involves digital performances. They generate a lot of attention and penetrate different angles of the online media space. The objectification of females in Nigeria is borne out of the desire of a patriarchal society to subjugate and dominate. The most prevalent form of female objectification in the Nigerian context has been in advertisements and recent studies seem to show that focus is heightened in digital performances where the female body is defined as an object in thousands of different ways and her personhood determined by her bodily ornaments and societal construct of subjugation. In a bid to sell an idea, product, generate virtual followers and earn money from social platform operators, the woman's body is dismembered, fragmented and objectified. The diversified forms of female objectification in the performances range from women's sexual roles, women's 'supposed' materialistic nature, 'acceptable' body size for a woman, the woman as a 'commodity', the dependent nature of women and so on. These portrayals, consciously and unconsciously create a definition assumed for the woman and this imposed definition is more of a reflection of what the objectified woman is expected to be. The performances analysed in this paper expose the struggles women often face in a society that institutionalizes competition in every aspect of women's life which at the same time denies women the ability to compete and still be feminine. Analytically, Battabox and Mark Angel performances illustrate the different forms of objectification identified by Nussbaum and Langton. The elements of instrumentality, denial of autonomy and subjectivity plus violability, ownership and fungibility appear more overt in Battabox than in Mark Angel. The rhetoric in Mark Angel appears more subdued in the inertness and ownership form but explicit in reduction to body and denial of subjectivity. Comparatively, the performances of Battabox are replete with the supposed man-woman superior-inferior ideologies, which are anchored on pedagogies of the oppressed, much more so, than what is contained in the performances of Mark Angel. Overall, all the performances give express definition to the different forms of objectification categorized by Nussbaum and Langton. The female can, through their bodies live out their own oppression and objectification, which are institutionalised by a patriarchal, capitalist culture that profits from women's subordination. Women can demonstrate their strength, uniqueness, and inventiveness through their bodies. They can use the transitional and creative nature of reproduction to transform the bodies and their selves. But to achieve the aforementioned, women must continue to critique and challenge practices and ideologies that demean them and rob them of agency. The diversity of the female form and beauty of all women must be appreciated. Women should continually be celebrated and the attention focused only on how women look should be challenged. Women should celebrate the power to give birth and link it to respect for the female sexuality.

References

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